|
|
Richard Stephenson and Christopher Garrett on behalf of the
Miners of the High Peak, Derbyshire to the Privy Council |
|
[?Before Feb. 1608]. |
As to their former complaint against the
Countess of Shrewsbury and her son, Lord Cavendish, for denying their
old privilege of mining. Of violences used against them. Pray that the
suits against them may be stayed till the Justices of Assize for Derby,
to whom the matter has been referred, come their circuit, and for the
Council's letters to the Countess to let them enjoy their ore and goods
peaceably till that time.—Undated.
1 p. (P. 307.) |
|
Herman Holdtscho, agent for Ernest, Duke of Brunswick and
Lunenburg to the Earl of Salisbury. |
|
[?Before Feb. 1608]. |
Two petitions. (1) Since he received Salisbury's
favourable answer concerning the Duke's business, he applied to the
Lord Treasurer for dispatch of the same, who answered that he must
have the King's warrant, or be otherwise certified. Prays Salisbury to
impart the King's pleasure to the Lord Treasurer, so that the Duke
may enjoy his former grant.—Undated. 1 p. (P. 1857) (2) For licence to
transport certain ordnance long since provided for the Duke, notwithstanding the present general restraint upon the passage of ordnance.—
Undated. 1 p. (P. 1701). |
|
John Savage, Mayor of Chester, to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 1. |
This bearer has informed me of your great favour
towards him, being by me sent up with my account of the charge of the
400 foot forces lately transported from this port to Dublin; wherein
I render you all humble thanks. |
|
My account of the charge of 80 horse lately consigned to this port, and
hence sent to Dublin by appointment of the Lords (of the Council),
I have now sent by this bearer, Thomas Witbie, to the Lord Treasurer,
and beseech your favour in appointing him his dispatch therein. In
which charge I have endeavoured to ease his Majesty of unnecessary
payment, albeit by accident of extreme weather and great frosts, most
of the company of horse have been enforced to stay here longer than I
could have wished. For I assure you, though I urged them exceedingly,
yet neither durst nor could any owner put to sea by reason of the ice
which cut in pieces their cables in the road.—Chester, 1 Feb. 1607.
Signed. 1 p. (120 42.) |
|
William Chappell to Richard Beapell, Mayor of Barnstaple |
|
1607–8, Feb. 1. |
I have thought good to advertise you of news told
me yesterday in great secret from a very good friend of mine, a man of
account; and the news came from a certain knight in this kingdom, and
in such sort that I was not to reveal it but to make use thereof; but
because it concerns the State, I will not. Certain seminaries are come
into England and to this kingdom from the Pope and from other places
of Italy, Germany, Spain and France, that make known in secret unto
men of their religion that the Pope and the clergy of those countries
combine to make an army for the invasion of this kingdom or England,
to consist of 17000 men from all those parts, as their plot is laid every
state a portion, to be at the charge of their clergy maintained, and most
of them to be clergymen who are permitted and absolved for bearing of
arms. And they acknowledge that the Kings of Spain and France give
no consent hereunto; but permit their clergy to use their power and
discretions. And this plot should have taken effect last year, and the
Irish soldiers in the Low Countries were in a readiness at first call, but
that their purpose took no effect for that they expect a rising in England
and a division of our nobility; and by Tyrone's flight their purpose was
somewhat discovered. For the performing hereof is the chiefest
cause that peace was taken with the Hollanders by the Archduke; and
the King of Spain had an army made of a sudden at the Groyne the
last year which was commanded by Sir Anthony Sherley, which did
but attend to have his directions as soon as they had heard of our rising
or division in England, or of rebellion in this country; and there be many
of those people buzzing this news both in England and Ireland, and to
see whom they can possess to be firm of their side. Now as I know for
certain that Sir Anthony Sherley was at the Groyne with an army made
of a sudden that no man knew of, it makes me give credit to those reports, for that the Groyne is no place for an army but for the north
parts, and therefore not to be supposed for any country but ours and
this country. If you think fit you may acquaint my Lord of Bath
hereof, and at my coming home I will declare more if I can learn thereof.
—From Glandore, the first of February, 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (120 43.) |
|
Sir John Ouseley to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 1. |
I thank you for the message you commanded my
man to deliver me. I am sorry my postscript gave you cause to mistake
me, and desire you will vouchsafe (when I come to London) to speak
with me. I will then plainly deliver my meaning unto your noble self,
whereat I rest assured you will not be displeased.—Courtenhall, this
first of February, 1607.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (120 44.) |
|
The Earl of Shrewsbury to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 1. |
Upon receipt of my Lord of Canterbury's letter
under your cover by post I sent to understand where Mr Henry Constable was, and as soon as I could get him I do send him up according to
my Lord of Canterbury's desire in his letter; but, as I have written to
him, so I protest to you until I read the said letter, we here did not
think but that he had made his appearance before the Archbishop
divers months since, according to his faithful promise to me soon after
my last coming into the country. My Lord of Canterbury writes to me,
that in excuse of himself he was glad to say that he released him out of
prison, so as he might go at large, upon my word both that he should
not deal with any persons whosoever in matter of religion etc, and also
that he should come unto him when he would have him; wherein his
Grace lays a greater imputation on me than [it] would appear I had
deserved if that matter should come to examination, which now I trust
shall the less need, since I have sent the party up unto him. In respect
he is my kinsman, I was content to join with some others in promising
unto him some yearly small pension towards his maintenance, so long as
I might understand he carried himself dutifully towards his Majesty and
the State, but no longer, which I have forborne as yet to perform, as
I intended and mean still to do, until I may understand from you how
you shall conceive of him; which I would be glad to do by this bearer.
I have been vexed this fortnight or three weeks past with the gout
both in my feet and right hand, and though all pain be past, yet I can
hardly write with my own hand as yet. God ever keep you from the like
and all other infirmities.—From Worsop, 1 Feb. 1607. |
|
PS. "Blame me not, my Lord, if I think it extreme long since I saw
any one line of your handwriting to me, having never seen so long a time
of "abstinew" for these many years past. Thus much I can write with
my own hand, though with some pain."
Signed. The postscript in Shrewsbury's hand. Seal. 1 p. (120 45.) |
|
Sir Richard Lewkenor and Sir Henry Townshend to the Earl
of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 1. |
Whereas Mr Bird, the late Examiner in this Court
here, is desirous to follow some other course of life elsewhere, being an
attorney at the Common Law, and for that cause has made an assignment of his said office, which he held by patent, to the bearer hereof,
Hugh Hanley; we entreat your favour in his behalf, whom we hold
very sufficient for the place, that he may pass the privy seal when by
his Majesty's gracious grant he shall renew the patent in his own name.
—Ludlow Castle, 1 Feb. 1607.
Signed. Seal. ½ p. (120 46.) |
|
John Gostlin to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
[1607–8, Feb. 2]. |
Acknowledges his favour, at this time more
specially, being to return to those western rocks whence the vehement
loves of a kind society, unsought for, suddenly called him. Often
wished their loves had been less, and often desired an end without
touch of his reputation. This end Salisbury's favour yielded, that in
that which the world account loss he has received comfort in having
the good report his Lordship made of him. Beseeches continuance of his
favour, that what hope fortune has taken from him may thereby
revive.—Undated.
Signed. Seal. Endorsed: "2 Feb. 1607." 1 p. (120 47.) |
|
Edward Tyrrell to the Earl of Salisbury, "High Steward of
her Majesty's Courts." |
|
1607–8, Feb. 2. |
I received on Saturday last from your Lordship
this petition enclosed by one of her Majesty's tenants of the manor of
Whaddon, wherein you require me to certify by writing what I know
of their complaint. |
|
They complain that the tenants of the manor of Whaddon have by
ancient custom used to have their fines rated, admittances granted,
and timber appointed for the reparations of their houses by the high
steward of the manor or his deputy. For breach whereof they allege
that the Lady Gray, having lately procured a lease from her Majesty
of the manor, has published in the parish church of Whaddon that the
tenants should repair to her to compound for their fines and admittances, alleging by her officers that by virtue of the said lease the same
did belong unto her, and that if the steward did rate any fines or admit
any tenant without her privity it was a forfeiture of his office; and
pretends that the time, the place and power for holding or discharging
the court belongs unto her and not to the steward. For proof whereof,
at a court holden by me, your deputy steward, about Michaelmas last,
Mr Francis Dorrell, servant to the Lady Gray, repaired to that court,
who perusing the title of the said court which was in the name of her
Majesty, did there alter the same into the name of the Lady Gray and
there did discharge the said court; which to avoid difference was by
consent referred unto a new day, within which time you might be
informed. All which appears to be of custom, as the tenants have alleged,
by ancient court rolls remaining in my custody; and also that the steward
from time to time has holden the swainmote and taken account both
for the wood and the deer and certified the same, which if the Lady
Gray by force of her lease may alter, then your Lordship, now High
Steward to her Majesty by former patent for life, shall lose the benefit
and power of your patent. The inconvenience which the tenants do
fear and the prejudice that may arise to her Majesty if the Lady Gray,
who is to have the benefit, may also have the sole disposing of these
businesses, I refer to your consideration.—Second of February, 1607.
Holograph. Seal, broken. ½ p. (120 48.) |
|
Marcellus Eversdieck to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 2. |
Since by letters of my Lord Governor of Flushing
and of others, your Excellency is now believed to have understood
whence that most bitter accusation escaped which under the shadow of
your name exercised me a whole year, to those I refer myself for
brevity. Truly, while studying my defence I observed and detected
some stinking fountains whence, by various windings and most secret
burrows, those pestilent incriminations emanate and by their emissaries
are scattered far and wide; by which your person is everywhere exposed
to so many hatreds and injuries; of which, in an Apology published the
previous year, complaint is made that the real origin was not yet known
to you. Which said fountains I think I can demonstrate to you in some
superficial way, that that being apprehended, as Ariadne's thread by
Theseus, by proceeding step by step you may view the labyrinth of the
inventors and defamers; and by the writing of your own hands convict
the few evil spirits of our depraved age (a great part of whom lies hid
in that very England); who feign themselves worshippers and champions
of the chief men, the while they continually explore their inmost
counsels, which perverted to their own meaning, they give out through
their trumpeters to the whole world to be adjudged. To whom if any
upright man answer a word, as most base sycophants they busy themselves to interpret it, maimed and inverted, to his undoing; whereby
they conceal their own crimes, and go on to abuse the favour of princes
to cherish their own malevolence. This, if you make experiment of the
matter by using this occasion, you may most conveniently discover.
And you will find I have never deserved ill of your Excellency, but am
rather eagerly desirous to serve you; so that if in any matter your
Excellency be affected by the report of false information of me, let all
that be healed by my labour, who am innocent, in the cure of the
opposing evil. For to this purpose I am persuaded I have escaped unhurt from many deadly perils by the singular kindness of God, to afford
you a handle to inquire into many things in other places, which indeed
smell a little to me, but I dare not promise. But there is need of an
industrious Oedipus who may wisely draw forth this monstrous
Sphinx from her gloomy cavern, may know how to unravel and loose
its wiles, and who may be armed with the special authority of your
Excellency. And so I commend myself and mine to your Excellency's
trust and patronage. Middelburgh in Zeeland, "Postridie Kalend
Februarii anno a pactu vivifico virgineoque 1607 stylo patrio." |
|
PS. If perchance nothing has come to your ears about my tragedy
and you desire to know who I may be, on that matter the noble Sieur
Van Loor, to whom on the side of his wife I am in closest connection,
Sieur Andrew Lobelius, doctor, bearer of this, and others will, I hope,
bear testimony.
Holograph. Latin. Seal. 2 pp. (120 109.) |
|
James Beversham, Mayor of Orford, and William Sandford to the
Privy Council |
|
1607–8, Feb. 3. |
Of late a bark of Hull called the Hopewell, the ship
of one James Chapman, merchant, was by distress of weather put into
Orford Haven. We understanding by report of some of the company
that the owner and one Boulton, a passenger, were recusants, and fearing they might be more dangerous persons, took certain examinations
of the owner, master and company, whereby it appeared to us that the
owner and Boulton were recusants or inclined to the Romish religion,
that the voyage was intended for Holland and so to Spain, that Chapman is a known merchant in Hull and had two young men with him,
his apprentices, purposing to leave one in Spain for a year to learn the
language, and to use the service of the other in the voyage, and that
Boulton purposed to cross the seas to see the country, and to return
again with convenient speed. We found also by examination that certain letters were seen aboard with superscription, and certain crucifixes
about some of them. This business we thought good to make known to
certain justices of the peace in this division at the last Quarter Sessions,
whose opinion was that if Chapman and Boulton would undergo the
oath of allegiance set down in the Statute made the third session of this
present Parliament, they might be dismissed, making stay of Boulton
from crossing the seas till he should obtain licence; which oath we
administered to them and they did undergo the same. This notwithstanding, we thought it our duty to acquaint you with the business, and
sent up the depositions taken by and before us, the oath of allegiance
taken by them, and the crucifixes, by one Selby; by whom we have
received the depositions returned to us, with your letters commanding a
re-examination of these parties for discovering the truth touching
Boulton, whether he be a Jesuit or a priest, and touching a letter which
Boulton is said to have burned, and other letters intended secretly to be
conveyed; commanding also sureties to be taken for the forthcoming of
Boulton, and that the young men shall not depart the realm without
licence. Your command we have executed and re-examined the parties,
but cannot discover Boulton to be either Jesuit or priest, but one born
in Holderness nigh Hull, skilful in music and desirous to have seen
Holland or Spain, but now is content to return to his country, thinking
it had not been unlawful to cross the seas to see the country and to
return within a month or two, as he says upon oath. We have also
searched their trunks, which since the first suspicion have been under
custody, and find in Boulton's trunk certain instruments for the
amending of virginals, singing books and such like, and in Mr Chapman's
divers letters and accounts touching merchandises, amongst the rest
one letter sealed without superscription which we opened, and therein
found two letters in Spanish touching arrival of ships there and other
merchants' business; but no matter of state. The writing which
Boulton burned he affirms upon oath was nothing else but certain notes
of his touching Purgatory, wherein as opportunity should serve he
desired to be better resolved than he was. According to your letters
we have taken bond that the young men shall not depart the realm
without licence. Boughton (Boulton) we have stayed till we know your
pleasure, whether we shall enlarge him or enforce him to send into
Holderness for sureties, it being a matter of difficulty for him, a stranger
in these parts, to find sureties here. The two crucifixes, one jewel and
certain beads which we found about them and sent up by Selby,
together with the oath of allegiance by them taken, are left with Mr
Kirkham, secretary to the Earl of Salisbury, as Selby says.—From
Orford, 3 Feb. 1607.
Signed. Seal. 2 pp. (120 50.) |
|
[Sir Thomas Edmondes] to [the Earl of Salisbury] |
|
1607–8, Feb. 3. |
The reception of the Commissioners in Holland.
The news of Roncas's imprisonment and the death of d'Albigny in
Savoy. The quarrel between Don Louis and Don Inigo compounded
upon direction out of Spain.
Abstract. (227 p. 343.) |
|
Hugh Lee to [the Earl of Salisbury] |
|
1607–8, Feb. 3/13. |
My last to you was of November 24, since which
I have received one from Richard Langley, telling me of the safe
delivery of all my former, with signification of your favourable acceptance, manifested by your command to pay me 30l, for which I render
thanks. |
|
The malicious Floudd, overflowing with envy, ceases not to labour to
draw from their obedience such of his Majesty's subjects as he can. If
by no means he may be removed hence, it is to be wished that some law
may be provided, under a certain pain, which may forbid such of his
Majesty's subjects as either trade or travel into these kingdoms from
communicating with any English, Irish or Scottish Jesuits on this side
the seas; otherwise his free conversements may breed a general danger,
for questionless he has many friends in England. |
|
I am sorry to see the daily transportation of youths out of England
into these parts by new devices, defrauding the law lately provided
for preventing the same. Very likely some may be sent only to learn
the language, yet such must be subject daily to frequent the churches
by attending upon their mistresses and conversing with priests and friars,
which is very dangerous in youths. But most certain it is that others
are of purpose sent to be trained up and rooted in papistry; as by all
presumptions here is one George Bacon, a young youth not yet 14,
the son of one Mr Bacon dwelling in Lynn in Norfolk. He was searched
by the officers at embarking, and there were showed forth a pair of
indentures showing he was the apprentice of Francis Shaxton, a merchant of Lynn, whereby he was let pass. Shaxton brought him hither
and used him not as a servant, but went into Barbary with a ship laden
with barley, and left this youth behind to be sent to Andolozia where he
should have been placed with a bishop; but Shaxton, doubting to be
called in question, has bonds from Mr Bacon, the father, to save him
harmless against the Statute. The youth in his being here is become a
disciple of Henry Fludd, who has undertaken to place him in a school of
the Jesuits. He is very well pleased with his offers, for his whole bringing
up has been in papistry and his desire is so to continue. He is a very
proper witty child and has his Latin tongue perfect. By this sleight of
coloured indentures many will pass, if there be no reference to the age. |
|
In this ship called the Seaflower of London, whereof is master Luke
Whetston, goes a passenger that is the younger brother of John Howe,
a principal disciple of Henry Flud's. This youth is employed in going
and coming between England and this place for conveyance of letters. |
|
Here lie in a house by themselves John Gurganey, Thomas Jenyngs
and John Howe. I hold Gurganey and Jenyngs for honest minded men
to their country, but I am contrary opinion of Howe, for I cannot
perceive that he purposes ever to go into England again. Mr Hugh
Gurganey remains still in the College of the Jesuits, holding his religion
firmly, wherein God strengthen him. The chiefest enemy to his liberty
is Fludd, as John Gurganey has often told me. |
|
This Flud has also incensed the Viceroy, that now is, strongly against
me to remove me from my place, and gives out that he will have me
sent for England. How far his Excellency will yield to his malicious
pretensions time will not yet discover, for the entrance of the Viceroy
into his government was but the second of this month. He is both
Viceroy and Captain General, and a great favourite of the Jesuits.
The report is that he is led much by them. The Lord Ambassador wrote
his letter in my favour to him, which I was at his own house to deliver.
He answered he would receive no letter or other matter but in the palace
of the King. I attended there, but could not be permitted to speak
with him. Tomorrow I mind to attempt again. His visitations have
been great by the nobles and gentles of the land. But true it is that so
long as remain any Jesuits, especially English, in Court or port town of
Spain or Portugal, the causes of his Majesty and his subjects shall
never receive due proceedings without cross. |
|
The Lord Ambassador procured from the King the liberty of such
English as are prisoners in the galleys that were taken by Don Luis
Faxardo in the Indies, and sent a schedule down for their release,
which was intercepted and withheld till his Lordship procured a
second. |
|
The Commissary of the Hollanders has released 4 Englishmen that
were taken also in the West Indies by Don Luis, that served under
Captain Daniell Mussheron, by virtue of his commission. Here are 13
Englishmen besides that are in the galleys, which were taken by the
Cundy [Conde] Delda in a man-of-war which had no pass for the
States, for whom here is little remedy; yet has the Commissary promised that he will do his best to release them at his coming to the
Court, where the Condy Delda now is, for which some money is required
to help make the way, which is not here to be had, for here is not any
will disburse a penny to effect any such matter. I have it not, for in
these two years I have been here in hope there would some course have
been taken amongst them for my maintenance, but to this day I have
not had from them all that use this place not forty shillings, but have
brought myself indebted above 200l, not knowing how I shall free
myself, the privileges for Portugal not yet confirmed, but his Lordship
writes he daily expects their dispatch. |
|
Touching the state of this country, which at present is very quiet,
only six carricks for the East Indies and six of the best galleons
preparing for the Mallaccas depart in company next month. Other
preparation here is not any. Part of the Biskin squadron which came in
here are departed hence, it is said to the Groine, where is thought shall
be prepared some men-of-war to keep the seas this summer. |
|
Here fell out a mischance a few days past. The ship of Gregory
Gybbons that was lately in trouble here for piracy, being laden for
Legorne with sugars for merchants of this city, going out of this river
was cast away upon the Cachopps, and of 30 there was but 7 men saved,
whereof one was lately a servant unto Sir John Dodrige, the King's
Serjeant, named Daniell Deane, who went as passenger to travel. |
|
Sir John Fearne is at present in this city, who came from the Court
of Spain hither and minds shortly to return thither. |
|
Adrian Thybauts, brother-in-law to Peter Vanlore, has received a very
good sentence at the Court of Spain, which is that all the former
sentence against him is revoked, and that Don Luis Faxardo is to return
to him his ship, cochenilio and all other goods belonging to him, and
himself daily expected thence. |
|
This day I have received letters from the Court of Spain and a letter
of the King's for the clearing of William Squier and Thomas Tylly,
whom I have this day also cleared by that letter, to Don Lewis Faxardo,
that they may go at their pleasure. Squire purposes to go home in this
ship. He is servant to Mr Eldrid of London, and a man of very good
understanding. He has been somewhat forward in frequenting the
company of Flud, but I think not otherwise but to win somewhat from
him; yet did he it not so secretly but he is of late amongst the friends
of Fludd generally held for a writer of news, whereby he is had in
great jealousy. If it please you to call him before you, he is able to say
more than I can write. I have acquainted Squier (in regard he minds
not to return here) with my opinion touching young Howe, that goes
passenger in the same ship, that if he upon the first landing may find
some occasion, to make stay of all the letters sent by Howe till your
pleasure be known; who I make no doubt will use his best diligence
therein.—Lix[burna] [Lisbon], 13 Feb. 1608, new style.
Holograph. 4 pp. (199 129.) |
|
The Earl of Bath to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 4. |
The Mayor of Barnstaple came unto me this day
with a letter directed unto him by a merchant of this port, out of
Munster in Ireland, in which, among other things appertaining to their
trade, he wrote the report of a man of account there made unto him, as
he says, in secret and is here enclosed verbatim. Which albeit it may
be no new thing to you to hear of, yet having so easy a passage as by
the common packet to convey my letters, I have chosen rather to present the same to your consideration than to leave any part of my duty
to his Majesty and my country unperformed.—Towstock, 4 Feb. 1607.
Signed. ⅓ p. (120 51.) |
|
The Archbishop of York to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 4. |
Whereas it is supposed that my son Tobie (for son
must I call him, though I might wish he had never been born) is like
to be banished the realm for recusancy, give me leave, upon confidence
of your friendship well experimented, to move you to be a mean
that he may rather remain a prisoner where he is or elsewhere than so
soon become an exile; as well that he may by conference in time happily
be reclaimed (dies diem docet), whereof if he should be cast out there is no
hope at all, as also for that it might turn to my no small disgrace if he
should otherwise be punished than others of his humour have been.
I cannot learn that any lay popish recusant was ever abandoned the
realm, especially not having been a persuader of others but only deceived
himself. But I have known many never so much as committed, unless
to some learned men of their own friends or others; whereby their
liberty was sufficiently restrained and all the harm they might do
abroad prevented, and divers by that charitable course reduced to
conformity. And so this poor seduced young man by God's grace
might likewise be rather won than lost. I hear that his pressure by
some is urged the harder for that he is the son of such a one as I am.
But under their reformation methinks he should rather find a little
more connivance for his father's sake yet awhile, than that my condition
should aggravate his punishment in so high a degree, to the heartbreak
of both his parents at once, and to the manifest periclitation if not
destruction of their child both in body and soul for ever. |
|
I have not, my good Lord, accustomed to mediate for persons of that
religion or superstition, for that I am by my place rather to censure
such as neither myself nor other can reclaim. Nor do I now intercede
for him but only thus far, that because I trust in God he standeth not
out upon obstinacy but error, and more upon dubitation than resolution,
I would beseech his Majesty he may enjoy the benefit of his country,
being subject otherwise to all penalties which by the laws and practice
of this kingdom, in any courts temporal or ecclesiastical, for his disobedience may be inflicted upon him. Your far greater wisdom and
experience than mine can add many motives to strengthen the weakness
of mine entreaty.—At Bishopthorpe nigh York, 4 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. Archiepiscopal seal. 1 p. (120 52.) |
|
Sir Henry Glemham to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
[1607–8.] Feb. 4. |
I received yesterday a letter from you touching
the lease of the manor of Hawkins. I beseech you conceive that the
least word you write is an absolute command, and my devotion to you
makes me hold myself happy when I may do you the least service. But
unless your occasions be exceeding speedy I shall not well follow it
until the next Easter term, at which time I hope my health and the
season of the year will suffer me to undertake it without a deputy,
and so perhaps you will find it most convenient.—Glemham, 4 Feb.
Holograph. Seal, broken. Endorsed: "1607." ½ p. (120 54.) |
|
Lord Saye and Sele to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 4. |
It pleased you to signify to my Lord Treasurer his
Majesty's gracious pleasure, intending me some benefit out of divers
recusants, whom albeit I severally indicted I protest I never had any
profit of; albeit I cannot deny but that if I would have undertaken the
protection of them, I was offered 1300l by F[rancis] Tressam and others,
for Sir Basil Broke, Mr Brudenel and Mrs Hungerford and others
whom by his Majesty's commandment you remanded of me; as also
that the like success since happened unto me by his Majesty's gracious
letter to Winchester College, albeit thereby I have made proof of no
small spoils made by Venables of his Majesty's woods. I crave pardon
that I did entreat Sir Thomas Lake to let you understand that I thought
his Majesty (without prejudice to the common good) might impose upon
some few who greatly advance their private, in converting pasture to
"ood" (woad), from 10s the acre per annum to 20s or 30s, some 3s or
4s an acre; whereof the gain and charges amount near this proportion;
4 acres usually bring forth a ton of "oode" which is 20 hundredweight
commonly sold for 20l at least, which 4 acres in sowing and ploughing
with 3 times cutting, milling, balling and seasoning amount to the charge
of 12l, which is 3l an acre. So that usually after the first year, when the
charge is greatest in setting up mills and houses, there is after 40s or
30s gains in an acre, and in every 4 acres amounting to a ton 7l or 8l
I should hope that if Sir Thomas Lake and I might be so happy as to
rent it at 200l or 300l per annum, having but 4s or 5s out of every acre,
or 20s out of every rood, for my part I would bestow one year's rent for
a fine upon any one his Majesty would appoint and hold it for 21 years;
and I think by reason English woad is richer than India woad his
Majesty now loses the custom thereby, most men using English, submitting myself and the cause wholly to your wisdom, without whose
allowance I neither in this or any suit will ever deal. I hope at some time
of leisure to attend you for this and some other cause, in respect that
some near me more turbulent I fear than tender in spirit, as well spiritual
as temporal distracted humours, have so far possessed themselves
of my son (of whom if God bless him with loyal obedience I may have
good hope, but otherwise have small joy) as seeing him only to respect
such as in all things oppose themselves to order, and to myself have
maintained they held it not an ill prayer made by one of Chipping
Norton called Hatheway, a minister, publicly to desire the people to
pray to God to turn his Majesty's heart from popery, being an intimation most disloyal, thereby to insinuate so lewd an imputation: as also
that some of no learning but tradesmen or mechanical fellows will take
upon them to know who shall be saved or condemned; and in strange
forms either receive the sacraments or forbear them, wherein they have
won my son to partake with them, to my greatest grief.—4 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (120 55.) |
|
John Finet to Thomas Wilson |
|
1607–8, Feb. 4/14 |
I was bold in my last of the 1st of February to tax
your silence. They were scarce out of Paris when yours came, to
condemn me of rashness; so my fault sticks by me till you pardon it,
yours is wiped out by this acknowledgment. News, your request, are not
now so easily come by, mine eyes are so diligently fixed upon my charge
as mine ears hear the less, yet what they hear you shall have a share of.
The great man of France, one of the Triumviri of this state [In the
margin: M. de Souilly] is sick of the King's Evil, in disgrace with his
master. It is held to grow thus. A famous quarrel has been lately
banded between the Duke d'Aiguillon and Balagny, an eminent gallant
of this country. To this latter the King seemed to incline with most of
the royalists, to the other the house of Guise with that faction; with
these went de Souilly, but with what respect of state, public or private,
I know not. Thus far it is apparent that the King referring to him the
composition of their difference and signifying withal his affection to
Balagny's advantage, held his pleasure disobeyed in the Duke's
partiality in behalf of d'Aiguillon. Whereupon (if not upon other
matter more substantial) the King's displeasure is said to have broken
forth in such terms as he gave the Duke to understand that the Bastille
was but a short way from the Arsenal, and that he had not made him so
great but he could make him as little if he gave him too much occasion.
I hear since that M. de Villeroy was with him from the King to tell him
it was his Majesty's pleasure he should retire to his house, and asking
to which house?, answer was made, to Rhosny, for the King says all
the rest are his already. But the next day (which should have been of his
remove) he fell so sick of the stone, engendered most, as it should seem,
of the King's displeasure, as he since lies at God's mercy and his
Majesty's. Those that would appear more speculative would have all
this but a plotted intelligence for the better manage [sic] of some
important business projected. Amongst the rest they say it may fall
well for the dissolving of the marriage already concluded between the
young Marquis of Rhosny and M. de la Desguiéres' grandchild, which
alliance the King no way favours. It brings with it too great a strength
of them of the religion in behalf of the grandfather, and is no small
band of a Catholic party in regard of his son-in-law, M. de Craquy.
Besides the King specially affects the marriage of his base daughter
Mademoiselle de Vendôme with young Rhosny who, bound formerly by
promise to the other, cannot be freed but by some such course as this
of the King's displeasure, which to appease it may appear there was
no way but to yield to this new match for his Majesty's full satisfaction,
and this cannot but govern Desguiéres. Meantime, to show that howsoever men may marry for their friends they love for themselves, the
Marquis has his heart upon none but Mademoiselle de Mayne, sister
to the Duke d'Aiguillon, yet seems to have more of her disdain than
her love in the exceptions she and her friends take against his inequality.
And howsoever de Souilly himself seem otherwise distracted, he is
thought to incline more to this alliance than any, both in regard of his
new friendship with that house and to please his son (who he even dotes
of) in his so strong affection. Thus you see a comedy acted between
obedience to a sovereign, faith to an ancient friend, and love to a fair mistress. The catastrophe is to come, which I would wish you not to frame
to yourself before hand for fear of some after deceit of your expectation. |
|
The Chevalier de Guise is shortly departing hence, confirmed general
of the galleys of Malta; so there will be one less near the King of that
house, which he loves but as he fears and no otherwise. |
|
The swarming Jesuits, never yet nestled in Orleans, are now upon
their settling in that city. They are strongly opposed by almost all the
inhabitants, but the King's will will overbear tham. There will be
shortly no corner of France free from these locusts. Viderit utilitas. |
|
About a sevennight since I was at the Court to see Don Pedro de
Toledo take his leave, where he and his followers humbled their
Spanish knees so low as to touch the ground in their last reverence to
his Majesty. I should have wondered the French wondered no more to
see the high Spaniard frame himself to so low a posture, but that I
considered they have had too good experience that that nation is not
to seek how to be both proud and meek for advantage. Don Pedro has
won the spurs for valiantly acquitting himself at the late difference
between him and the Venetian Ambassador. It grew, as it may be you
have heard, upon the Spaniard's not giving the title of Excellency
but Signoria Illustrissima to the Venetian, who thereupon paying the
other but his own, went away with Calla Vellaco and other reproaches
most dishonourably. It is true that upon a more mature Venetian
consideration he sent him the defy, etc, but it came so late as the King
himself said he was sorry for the evil manage of it, and jestingly added
that the ballet of the Queen (at which this was publicly acted) was not
comparable to the farce of the 2 Ambassadors. I cannot tell how farther
with news to entertain you, unless I should report some of the many
duels fought almost daily à toute outrance by this hot, heady, giddy
gentry and nobility. There is so much blood drawn at that vein as some
convulsion or worse must needs befall the body of this state, if there be
not prevention by some speedy remedy. |
|
My Lord is well and merry and joins in his French and exercises
more than any man I have known that takes but half his liberty. I
thank God my worthy brother Lyster and I join with that harmony in
his service, as I hope my Lord's ear shall never be offended with the
least discord between us. Write to me as you may, I will requite you
with such stuff as this, which is not worthy my Lord's ear, else he should
have it. He has this and better by better conveyance, but not from
one that more humbly honours him.—Paris, 14 Feb. stilo novo, 1608.
Holograph. 3 pp. (125 26.) |
|
Tobie Matthew to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 4. |
I have endured seven months' imprisonment for a
cause which in others is not severely punished. Although I be far
from repining or impatience, I am not grown so senseless as not to
covet the less evil. You were pleased, the last time I presumed to
trouble you, to make me know that I was not then to think of liberty,
but that if I would dispose myself to live out of the realm you would
assist me therein. I see I am but where I was, and that my years
increase, but not my hopes to change my habitation; and therefore I
shall embrace the condition of living abroad with the same resignation
that a merchant threatened with shipwreck has in casting his wares
overboard; the rather because of the promise I make myself in that
absence to give you so infallible testimony of my most loyal mind as
may better plead for my restitution to my country, than now I can for
my liberty. I beseech that in this course some drop of your benignity
may fall upon me, and that you will make some signification of such
your pleasure.—From the Fleet, 4 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (193 68.) |
|
Henry Lowe to the Privy Council |
|
1607–8, Feb. 5. |
This petition enclosed was delivered to myself
and my brethren by the Company of Grocers of this City, complaining,
whereas the King has pleased for the redress of great annoyances
occasioned by the making of starch, to grant letters patents for the
incorporating certain persons allowed and using the trade of starch
making into one company, upon hope that by the care of the said
company the annoyances aforesaid should be reformed. But so it is that
since the said incorporation many great inconveniences are grown in
that trade, as namely, that the making thereof is brought into a few
men's hands and the price thereby raised from 15s to 30s the hundred,
to the particular benefit of the patentees and the great prejudice of the
commonwealth. Moreover they go about to compel such as deal in that
commodity to buy starch of them only and of none other at such prices
as they shall limit, and to that purpose they require bonds of such as
endeavour to provide themselves otherwise, threatening them that
refuse to give bond that they shall be committed to prison without any
bail; with divers other grievances expressed at large in their petition.
For remedy whereof they have desired me to be a means that your
Lordships will receive information of the same, that such as are freemen
of this city may enjoy their liberty and custom of free buying and selling
in their trade in such ample and lawful manner as is fitting without
trouble or impeachment, according to such grants and privileges as his
Highness has confirmed unto them. Whereof I doubt not but your
Lordships will have consideration according to your wonted favour to
the commonwealth of this city.—London, 5 Feb. 1607.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (120 59). |
|
The Earl of Exeter to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 5. |
Mr Justice Warmesley has been with me to complain
that he is like to be removed from his own circuit to the Kentish
circuit, being so far distant at the end of the circuit from his own
dwellings as what, for the conceit he takes of the disgrace and the greatness of his years and lameness, he thinks the tediousness of that journey
will shorten his days. You know that transplanting of old trees is
dangerous. I pray you be a mean he may remain where he is, and in so
doing you shall do an honourable deed in respecting the place he carries,
and the greatness of his years and lameness.—5 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (193 69). |
|
[Joseph] Cresswell to Jeremiah Van Lemens |
|
1607–8, Feb. 5/15. |
I received your letter of the 25th of November
and am glad to hear of your good health. As to the business in hand, I
see many conveniences for carrying it out on both sides. I have so good
a report of the person of the prince that I love him well without knowing
him; and if this business can be effected, it will be all the good that can
be desired from him. |
|
The principal difficulty will be the difference of religion, and if God
will open the eyes of those of England, this can easily be overcome;
only by looking out for the persons, to whom it is most important to
fit their understanding and will to the truth and the law of God, which
is one and always has been and always will be the same; and no one can
be saved without it, and with it Kings obtain rest and their kingdoms
security, for it is an erroneous suspicion that the Pope can take away the
kingdom from whom he will; it is not so; rather the Catholic Kings
find many advantages in having their vassals subject in spiritual matters
to the Apostolic See; and if those of England and Scotland had been
in that case, the King would have less difficulty in uniting them, and
his successors less in keeping them united. |
|
In the matter of allowing their vassals to live quietly in the Catholic
religion of their ancestors, this would give the King much security;
while on the other hand to try to force them to profess what they do not
believe can only give rise to many troubles, and among them this in
particular, that it obstructs an agreement and friendship so important
and honourable as this is, and so advantageous to the Kings of Great
Britain and their realms.—15 Feb. 1608. "You know the hand"
Unsigned. Spanish. Addressed to Jeremiah Van Lennens, London.
(?) Endorsed in Salisbury's hand "5/15 February, 1608. This is the hand
of Cresswell." The letter is headed with a cross. 1 p. (125 28.) |
|
Nicholas Smith to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 6. |
The cause between him and William Smyth was
referred to Baron Altham and Sir Christopher Parkyns, but Smyth
refuses to appear. Begs either order for Smyth's commitment, or that
he, the writer, may pass his accounts before the Lord Treasurer, should
Smyth disobey the order and thereby keep him in prison. Begs for
mitigation of the fine imposed on him for the matters of his office,
through his unnatural kindred and neighbours. "Nicholas Smith, late
Customer of Yarmouth, now a poor prisoner in the Fleet."—6 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (115 92.) |
|
Advertisements from Heidelberg |
|
1607–8, Feb. 6. |
At the Diet matters are in suspense: the greater
number of votes of the Catholics have obtained that the first point of
the Imperial proposition, which is about the contribution, shall be
treated of first. The Protestants urge the point of justice, affirming
that they are not instructed to discuss and accord the first before the
second is out of the way (soit vuidé). The death of Monseigneur de
Wirtemberg is persistently reported. In Hungary the Diet is sitting at
Pressburg, where the Estates demand a King, the confirmation of the
Treaty of Botzkay (Borskay), and peace with the Turk. It seems that
the Princes incline to persuade his Majesty to the peace as most useful;
time will show if their counsels will succeed. In Poland affairs are still
entre le marteau et l'enclume. There are some new Palatines malcontents
who have joined the Racosans and stir up the old embers, so that there
is as yet no appearance of peace in that direction, although the King
has contented the Muscovite with the usual present and accommodated
the dispute of the Wallachian. With this sorrow he has experienced
another in the death of his son, who only lived 15 days. It seems that
this plague de pais is menaced with a storm. We have to thank God
that the little execution of Donaverd opens the eyes aux poussins de la
poulle blanche, to make them know that they will have no better treatment (ils n'en auront meilleur marché) than we from the Jesuit dominion.—Heidelberg. 6 Feb. 1607.
French. 2/3 p. (120 62.) |
|
Sir Charles Cornwallis to the Privy Council |
|
1607–8, Feb. 6. |
I have of late received as much contentment here
in the causes of his Majesty's subjects as in so huge a heap of business
and so confused and overgrown a government I could expect. I
advertise it that some knowledge may be taken of their better ways, as
heretofore has been of their neglect and unconscionable courses. |
|
The King himself and the Duke of Lerma have showed of late much
forwardness to give contentment; so has the Secretary Prada, whom I
find an earnest solicitor of whatsoever I desire in behalf of the poor
suitors. The causes depending in the Council of War, which are many and
considered with their dependencies of much importance, are all in good
way, and some of them finished with good satisfaction. That of Sicilia
suffers as many delays as a grandee of Spain either with his power or
his purse can give unto it; yet I find means to enforce it on, and find
the Constable (who has the supremacy in that tribunal) very forward to
give both ear and remedy to anything I complain of. For the ship and
goods taken in Sardinia, I have so far prevailed as the Condé of Chinchon (to whom the King has remitted the cause) upon dispute with him
upon those points, has been contented to conclude with a confession
that their carriage of powder (had they intended it for Turkey) makes
no forfeiture. They have given new summons to the viceroy of that
island to make his justification, which we hourly expect; and his answer
being had, I doubt not of some good order for restitution if the merchants send a power to pursue it. To Mr Tibaut, Mr Peter van Lore's
brother-in-law, I have procured order for restitution of all taken from
him upon sureties given for answering to the law, for the execution
whereof he is within few days to return to Lisbon, there and at Seville
to perfect his proofs, and then to come thither again to prosecute his
cause to final sentence. |
|
The moneys due unto certain merchants of London for corn and other
provisions are ordered to be paid here out of the King's chests as soon
as their cedulas and necessary circumstances can be finished. The like
I have procured for one James Jorrett, a Scotsman recommended hither
by his Majesty's letters. For Tho. Anderson, a Scotsman, in the same
manner, for so much as was due to him in Lisbon. His other demand
for his ship and service with great difficulty I have gotten remitted to
the King upon a new consulta from the Council of State, but as yet
cannot procure it to be returned or know what is determined, but
expect it daily. |
|
For the liberty of the poor men at Lisbon detained in the galleys and
other prisons, I have been enforced to procure four several cedulas.
The first and second sent were by some of their malignant countrymen
there, that either envied their liberty or at least that they should have
it for nothing, intercepted; who underhand would have drawn them to
conditions of payment for their discharge, pretending to work it by
other means. |
|
For Mr Chalons and those of his company at Seville, after all my
labours I received a very grievous resolution, whereunto I instantly
replied as by this enclosed copy of my letter to the Duke of Lerma
shall appear. I am not altogether out of hope to change their determination. But by what has passed may sufficiently appear unto your
Lordships, notwithstanding their silence, how much they take to heart
his Majesty's purpose of planting in Virginia. |
|
I importune daily the King's confirmation of the cedula I long since
obtained for delivery of goods suspected to the owners upon sureties
and trial of the causes here; and I verily think, being not able to answer
so plain reasons, they will either yield me my desire or take some other
general course to prevent the molestation of his Majesty's subjects.
For to themselves it now appears intolerable, whom (by importuning
the King that the English causes might be preferred and first determined) I have for these two months so set on work (and so shall at least
for two months more) in hearing of my countrymen as none of their
nation can have in their causes any proceedings, which raises a general
outcry amongst them here. Assuredly, without good order taken for
restraint of those hungry ministers that are in office in the ports,
whatsoever causes my labours may bring to end before my departure,
my successor within a few months shall find as many new; for in all
places his Majesty's subjects complain of unaccustomed injuries or of
new and unheard of impositions. For merchants that have only studied
the art to buy and sell to be forced to become suitors in law, in a country
and court so chargeable to their purses and dangerous to their lives, how
grievous it is I leave to your Lordships to consider. By God's grace
whatsoever my weak forces shall be able to effect for their quiet, for
mine own time and the future, shall not be wanting; and in remembering of others [I] beseech that my poor self may not be forgotten, who
by a sensible decay in all parts of my body cannot but have a feeling
what is likely in short time to become of the whole, if here I shall endure
any more summer's sunshines. |
|
There is newly arrived at this Court an ambassador from the King
of Persia; an old man in years and, as it seems, well disposed to tell
old wives' tales. He says that in those countries there is an old prophecy
that the King of Persia should win Constantinople and expel the Turk
out of those countries; that in the time of this King that now reigns
they expect the accomplishment, which succeeding, his master is
determined upon being possessed of it to send the keys to the King of
Spain, and to make him a present of that city, and mean time offers to
assist him in any enterprise against the Turk, their common enemy,
with an army of 50,000. It is said he brought the King and Queen here
very rich presents. The King defrays his whole charge and causes him
to be attended by some of his own guard. Yesterday I purposed to have
seen him, but he kept his bed, having, it seems, been welcomed with
some indisposition according to the custom of this country. |
|
It is said there is preparation in great haste for building some new
galleons in Biscay, and that mean time order is sent thither for embargoing some ships of strangers for the King's service. Here in Court all is
in silence. The King very busy in reviewing his councils and seats of
justice, and accommodating them with persons more proper to those
several employments, has (as here they say) done more within a few
weeks than his father did in all his long life. |
|
The expectance of peace with the States United grows daily into
more strength. The event thereof will bring forth new actions or, at
least, beget new thoughts. |
|
Here is lately raised a report that the Earl of Southampton is by
his Majesty intended to be sent hither to give the King here an account
of his purpose concerning Virginia. It comes, I hear, from Sir Edward
Baynham, who having been long possessed with a palsy is somewhat
recovered, but, as is thought, will never be restored to the use of those
limbs he lost his strength in. I cannot hear of anything the King has
as yet bestowed upon him, but suppose he lives either upon what he
brought with him, or upon such relief as the Jesuits here allow him. |
|
Mr. Trojean, after two strong assaults given (according to the entertainment of this country and unacquainted air) unto his life by dangerous agues, is removed to Lisbon with a pension of 60 crowns a month.
He was in good forwardness to have obtained there a house and land
that escheated to the King, which it was thought would have been worth
to him 1000 crowns a year; but since my conference with the Duke
concerning entertainment given to his Majesty's fugitives, there is a
general stay made of those wonted largesses. Archer, the Irish Jesuit,
and solicitor for his countrymen, has thereupon given over his office
and withdrawn from this Court, and they of that nation, as is generally
noted, have suddenly vanished. |
|
Of our own country here has been lately one William Webb, said to
be born in London, who out of offers of service for Barbary pretended
some great matters and was addressed to Creswell. His hopes ended
in an alms of five pounds, since which time he has been enforced to
put on his true shape of a vagabond and cozener; and taking with him
for an attendant one Williams, who has long walked this country under
cover of the name of being son to my Lord of Worcester, wandered
first to Bilbao and then to St. Sebastian's, where for a month or more he
sustained himself with taking upon him the name of an Haward
(Howard), and pretending to be the son of my Lord of Suffolk. |
|
Not long before him came hither in a pilgrim's weed a fat young
fellow naming himself Sanchy, who at first had good entertainment in
regard of his profession and vesture; and by Creswell's means, as I
heard, the Queen bestowed ten pounds upon him. But his pretence of a
pension not taking effect, he was enforced to appeal to his skill in
heraldry and drew the descent of Warren, an Englishman, the Duke of
Lerma's barber, from the Earl Warren, assuring him he had more right
to the earldom and arms than the house of Norfolk. |
|
A third countryman of ours of like condition has wandered through
Valentia, naming himself son to my elder brother, and for such wrote
a letter unto me before public officers of that city, wherein was contained nothing but dashes of his pen; and in requital (if he had remained
there till the messenger's return) I had provided he should have had as
many of a whip. |
|
By these your Lordships may discern the condition of many of those
that repair hither with pretence of conscience; of whom I know none
remaining but Sir Edward Baynham, Wadsworth, my revolted chaplain,
and one Bentley, a young gentleman lately come out of the Low
Countries. |
|
There have died out of the English College at Valladolid this last year
14 of the young students and Richard Walpole, the Jesuit.—Madrid,
6 Feb. 1607, stilo veteri.
Signed. 5 pp. (120 63.) |
|
Sir Ferdinando Gorges to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
[1607–8] Feb. 7. |
Our second ship is returned out of the parts of
Virginia, but with advertisement of nothing more than we received at
the first, only the extremity of the winter has been great and has
sorely punished our people. Notwithstanding, thanks be unto God, they
have had their healths exceedingly well, although their clothes were
but thin and their diets poor, for they have not had one sick from the
time they came thither to the instant of their coming away. The
President and his people feed us still with hopes of wonders that will be
had from thence in time; but there must go other manner of spirits to
settle those business (sic) before it will be brought to pass; for I find
the continuance of their idle proceedings to have much "prejudicialld'
the public good, dividing themselves into factions, each disgracing the
other even to the savages, the one emulating the other's reputation
amongst those brutish people, whose conversation and familiarity they
have most frequented, which is one of the chiefest reasons we have
to hope in time to gain that which cannot presently be had. They
show themselves exceeding cunning, concealing from us the places
where they have the commodities we seek for, and if they find any that
has promised to bring us to it, those that came out of England instantly
carry them away and will not suffer them to come near us any more. |
|
These often returns without any commodity have much discouraged
our Adventurers, in especial in these parts, although in common reason
it be not to be looked for that from a savage wilderness any great
matters of moment can presently be got, for it is art and industry
that produce those things even from the farthest places of the world;
and therefore I am afraid we shall have much ado to go forward as we
ought. Wherefore it were to be wished that some furtherance might be
had (if it were possible) from the chief spring of our happiness, I mean
his Majesty, who at the last must reap the benefit of all our travail,
as of right it belongs unto him. Besides, if you look into it with those
eyes with which you pierce the most obscure conjectures, you will find
it most necessary it should be so, both for many public and private
reasons; as, first, the certainty of the commodities that may be had
from so fertile a soil as that is when it shall be peopled, as well for building of shipping, having all things rising in the place wherewith to do it;
as also many other hopes thereof to ensue, as the increase of the King's
navy, the breeding of mariners, the employment of his people, filling
the world with expectation and satisfying his subjects with hopes,
who now are sick in despair and in time will grow desperate through
necessity. Also he shall "sease" that to himself and his prosperity, the
which he shall no sooner quit but his neighbours shall enter into and
thereby make themselves great, as he might have done; for at this
instant the French are in hand with the natives to practise upon us,
promising them if they will put us out of the country and not trade
with none of ours, they will come unto them and give them succours
against their enemies. And as our people hears, they have been this year
with four ships to the southwards of them some 50 leagues, and the
truth is this place is so stored with excellent harbours and so bold a
coast, as it is able to invite any actively minded to endeavour the
possessing thereof, if it were only to keep it out of the hands of others.
I could say much more in this but I am loth to be overtroublesome to
you, and therefore will thus conclude under your favour, that I wish
his Highness would adventure but one of his middle sort of ships with
a small pinnace, and give his commission to countenance and "authoresy" the worthy enterpriser, and I durst myself undertake to procure
them to be victualled by the Adventurers of these parts for the discovery of the whole coast along from the first to the second colony,
especially to spend the most part of the time in the search of those places
already possessed. And I should be proud, if I might be thought worthy,
to be the man commanded to the accomplishment thereof by his Highness, and should think it a season well spent wherein I should have so
many hopes to serve my country; whereof the least would be in this
sleepy season the enabling of my own experience in these marine causes
the better hereafter on all occasions to discharge my duty to my
sovereign.—Plymouth, this 7 of February.
Signed. Endorsed: "7 February, 1607." 2½ pp. (120 66.) |
|
Sir John Ogle to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 7/17. |
I have sometimes taken the boldness to use my
opinion of this handling, either that it would come to such a peace
that should be justifiable for the Estates in all indifferent opinions,
or that they would again break forth into war in the end. Now there is
good appearance that I have not been ill-grounded, for though the
point of sovereignty has been passed without much contradiction,
(being nothing but an air or title which the King of Spain might the
better afford), considering he parts with nothing that he has in esse or of
his own; yet now that they come to the matter of traffic and that by
name into the Indies, there is such difficulty found as it is not unlike
but there may be easily a way made to the parting of this over a year
unexpected assembly of Commissioners. This difficulty together with
the general apprehension, as now, of no sincere meaning in the adverse
party, do give no small encouragement to such as fear a peace. It is
held for certain that the Estates will not part with their East Indies,
and it is yet very doubtful whether ever that will be yielded unto. Yet
some will say that this difficulty is the more insisted on the better to
facilitate the Estates' pretence of traffic into the West Indies, and that
they should absolutely be excluded from thence. I can say nothing of
myself, but yet I think if the Estates should quit the East Indies,
whereof they are possessed and have alliance with the princes, they
should make a very unprofitable and uncertain peace, in regard that
the best maintenance of their traffic must have his (sic) life from thence;
for from Spain it is subject to too much danger, in regard of arrest of
shipping and such other inconveniences, as our merchants have lately
proved by disputes and questions found where was no cause given;
and also that thereby they can hold the Spaniard in such good conditions (so long as they are masters there and so allied with the neighbour
princes as they make account) that he neither can well or shall dare to
attempt anything against them. You shall have all things of this subject better digested for your judgment to receive than my ability or
place will suffer me to acquaint you with. I will now tell you what we
talk here. We say (and that by the advertisements from Antwerp) that
the Marquis Spinola's principal factor at Antwerp was fain to pawn
all his plate to pay a bill of exchange sent from Genoa. It is said likewise, but not received for so true, that his Majesty's people in Virginia
should be defeated by the Spaniard. There is a second advertisement
come of it, but there is not so much credit given to that news as is to
that of the good success of this people in the East Indies, there being
70 in the 100 offered for profit to the adventurers. |
|
I moved you in my last letters in a point wherein it will please you
to be mindful for the honour of the worthiest nation living, especially
if it break out again to a war. The Commissioners are very reserved
to me wards, and if his Majesty yet or your Lordship shall think fit to
better the condition of us his poor subjects, which may conveniently be
done in the shutting up (or before) of this treaty, I do not much care to
be acquainted with particulars so I may be one of those that shall find
the English nation set into their old way of preserving the English
honour, which must first be by his Majesty's countenance and protection of them; and that shall secondarily draw a better respect to us here
from them whom we serve, and enable us to restore our old discipline
(I mean among ourselves for our manner of government), which is not the
least means of the upholding the honour of so brave a nation. You are
pleased to give me liberty to speak sometime in this fashion; therefore
I hope this boldness shall receive no ill interpretation. |
|
The monkeys you wrote for I have sent by him that brought the last
into England last year, and doubt not but they are to your liking.
I desire no longer to live than that I may ever find an unfeigned
readiness in myself to serve you.—The Hague, February 17, 1608.
novo [stilo].
Holograph. Seal. 5 pp. (120 78.) |
|
John Savage to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 8. |
I received your letter the first of February to the
Countess of Derby, and have herein returned her letter enclosed with
what expedition I may.—Chester, 8 Feb. 1607.
Holograph. Two seals. ⅓ p. (120 69.) |
|
Sir Thomas Shirley to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 9. |
Upon your message this morning by your servant,
Mr. Dakeham, I have sought to inform myself of the parsonage of
Martyn in the county of Wilts, and I find it not yet passed; therefore
please send off a caveat to Auditor Fuller who is auditor of that shire.
What I could learn touching the same, I send you in a note here enclosed. I should have thought myself happy if I had passed it, that
thereby I might have done you service, which is ever my desire.—This
9 of February.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1607." ½ p. (120 70.) |
|
The Bishop of Winchester to the Earl of Northampton |
|
1607–8, Feb. 9. |
I heartily thank you for your favourable regard
of my last letters, and would not so soon have troubled you with any
other matter were it not his Majesty's desire to have the demise of
Farnham Castle, parks and chaces to go presently forward, and your
Lordship amongst others to be a special director thereof. Wherein I
shall be willing to be ruled by your Christian indifferency, that I may
without wrong to my church (which I know is no part of his Majesty's
meaning) give him all dutiful contentation. And where I am advertised
that his Majesty seems to be somewhat offended, first that I treated
not with the Lord Chief Justice this last summer touching the exchange
or demise of Farnham according to his princely purpose; and next, that
after knowledge of his Majesty's inclination to have the said Castle
and parks for recompense, I caused or suffered certain timber to be
felled and sold in the parks of Farnham: I instantly pray you at your
best opportunity to present my answer with all humility to his Excellent Majesty touching these two points. To the first, I acquainted my
Lord Chief Justice at London with his Majesty's pleasure, and rested
ready upon any signification from my Lord Chief Justice that he was
authorised to treat of those things, to have either invited him to my
house or to have met him at any convenient place chosen by himself;
but hearing nothing all last summer of any commission given to him in
that behalf, I could do no more but attend his Majesty's pleasure. To
the second, I protest that I gave neither consent nor had knowledge of
anything done by my woodward in my absence in the parks of Farnham, and as soon as I heard thereof one day after dinner, I sent my
letter the very next day to inhibit all felling and carrying of timber or
wood in either of the parks there, using as well his Majesty's name as
my own to stay all intermeddling with either; whereof my servant,
Robert Hardy for the chaces, and the underkeepers for both my parks,
can be witnesses if they be examined on their oaths. My woodward
excused himself by ignorance of anything intended by his Majesty, and
rested, as he said, on a former direction given him many years before,
that whiles I lay at London the charge of my fuel spent in London
should be supported out of the manor of Farnham (as my predecessors
had done before), being the nearest place now left me of mine own to
make provision of fuel for my needful use. This is the truth of these
things, wherein his Majesty has been otherwise informed, and I desire
no longer to live than I shall sincerely be far from all cunning and
secret preventing his Majesty's desires. For the present concluding of
such things as his Majesty is willing to have within the manor of Farnham (myself truly being dangerously besieged with this continuing
cold, and expecting the first change of this extreme weather that I may
have recourse to my accustomed order of physic to prevent as well the
athritis assaulting both hands and feet, as the vertigo offering itself on
all occasions from the spleen), I have sent my steward to join with the
solicitor of my causes, that they both may satisfy you in all doubts,
and have enclosed a particular delineation of all things considerable
in this demise, which I beseech you to keep with you, and as you shall
find it accord with duty to his Majesty, so to allow or reform as you
shall see cause. I am very willing to give his Majesty all contentation,
and shall be glad if he so interpret my care for my church; otherwise for
myself I am ready to submit myself, my profit and state to his Majesty's
liking, to do as shall please his most religious integrity. I will not
instance your Lordship in any point, but pray that a Christian care may
be had of my church, whatsoever of myself, that I may be directed
by your means to yield his Majesty all dutiful contentation, which I
will not fail to perform what loss soever I sustain for my time—
Waltham, 9 Feb. 1607.
Signed. 1⅓ pp. (120 73.) |
|
The Enclosure. |
|
Farnham. The yearly value of the things to be demised by the
Bishop to his Majesty. |
|
The little and great parks, heathland, two horse leases (extent of
each item specified), and potter's clay sold out of the park. Total 250l
|
|
The Castle, stables and barns, fuel, browse wood, the North and
South chaces. Total, 108l. Sum total, 358l. |
|
The charges his Majesty shall be at for recompense. |
|
The tenth of the bishopric to be released, 279l 6s 5d. |
|
The ancient fees of the officer and keepers of the Castle, parks and
chaces (all specified), 37l 15s 10d. Total, 317l 2s 3d. |
|
Out of this recompense the keeper of the little park demands to
have yearly for herbage and pannage of the said park, 60l
|
|
For the profits of browsewood and herbage of 12 kine and other
"vayles", 30l
|
|
The keeper of the great park likewise, 35l. |
|
For browsewood sold, 14l. |
|
Other "vayles" in killing and serving the deer, 10l
|
|
For the potter's clay there digged and sold, 18l. Total, 167l. |
|
These demands of the two keepers the Bishop takes to be somewhat
excessive, and yet thinks it fit the King be at no farther charge than
is before specified. And therefore the Bishop is very willing to make
such allowances to the two keepers for their agistment, herbage and
other demands as the Lords deputed by his Majesty to consider this
demise shall think reasonable; so as the Bishop does not undertake to
procure their consents, which he thinks would make them the more
averse but only to yield them such rate for the herbage and other demands as the Lords upon hearing the matter shall award. And with all
respect the Bishop offers these things to be considered by the Lords: |
|
(1) The Bishop is not limited to any number of deer in either of his
parks, but the keepers which have the herbage granted them must, as
he thinks, take that which the deer leave, without famishing or annoying the deer; and so the herbage will be less worth if the King increases
the number of deer. |
|
(2) Secondly, the whole herbage of the Little Park was till the 19th
of the late Queen reserved in express words to the Bishop and his
successors for their horses, and therefore though the now Bishop be
well content to allow the grant made of the herbage of that park, yet
he will not prejudice his successor to look somewhat better to his right. |
|
(3) The "vayles" and profits pretended for the underkeepers of
either park are neither so great as here specified, and are given in lieu
of their service; so that if the keepers be quit of their labours in continual attendance on the parks and game, there is no cause to demand
such liberal allowance for their underkeepers. |
|
(4) The felling and selling of so much browse wood is scant justifiable, and the rate for the going of so many kine and horses, especially
in the Great Park, is more than any way they may be worth. |
|
(5) The digging of potter's clay in the Great Park is the Bishop's
right, neither has the keeper any grant thereof, but only a licence to
dig yearly six score loads, and the rest in the Bishop's power to dispose
as he sees cause.
3 pp. (120 71.) |
|
Noel de Caron to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 9. |
Encloses a petition, and begs Salisbury's favour
to the petitioner, that he may receive justice. He has been a long
time here with his wife and five children, at great expense, and longer
delay will be his ruin.—Suydt Lambet. 9. Feb. 1607.
Holograph. French. 1 p. (193 70.) |
|
Nevill Davis to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 10/20. |
Since my last of the 12th November there
departed from St. Lucar, the 23rd of December, for the Indias the 6
frigates with the quicksilver and (Papal) bulls; also they carried a new
Governor with 300 soldiers for the Phillippines. As yet the Terra
Ferma fleet is not departed, they stay only for wind and weather.
There are of the appointed ships 18 sail, and other 14 small ships of
particulars, bound for divers parts of the Indias. |
|
Here are also ten galleons preparing with great expedition to go to
the Indias for more treasure; 6 go to Terra Ferma, and 4 into the bay
of Mexico because they have no ships there of force to bring the treasure
to the Havana, where they are to meet all ten together. Other preparation here is not as yet till these be gone, and then the fleet for Nova
Spania will prepare and will be many ships, for that there went no
fleet the last year. From Lisborne I had writing there shall certain
galleons go into the East Indias with the carracks. |
|
Here has been great ado about the Quebra with the Italians and
others. It seems the Archduke has withstood it, for he has taken
order for divers payments, and here has been answered to the value of
300 UD°. The King has also sent into Italy a million and a half which
was carried by land to Barcelona, for the supplying of these partidos.
The merchants which had "libranses" upon the buyers of the silver were
forced to forbear, but now they begin to make payment. |
|
Still we are hardly dealt withal by the King's officers in taking our
goods and can get no payment. As yet Captain Challines and his poor
company who suffer great misery are still detained; it seems they
mind to make them a precedent for others, for our settling in the new
discoveries is very distasteful to them.—From Sivel (Seville) the 5th
February, 1608, stillo nuova (sic). |
|
PS. Having delivered my letters to one Mr. George Collemer, who
was bound for London in a ship of Dover, and going from hence in a
small boat to embark himself, he having a wedge of gold to the value
of 200l, gave it to the barkman to keep till they were past Corria, a
place where the searchers do attend. The gold was discovered, it is
thought, through the treachery of the barkman, whereupon Mr. Collemer was constrained to shift for himself, leaving what else he had in
the boat, by which means my letters with other men's were brought to
the Alcalde de Sacons, who kept them 3 days before we could have
them again. Whereby I lost the opportunity of sending my letters, and
the young man his gold, whereof I am sorry that he could find no safer
conveyance than to trust his goods and liberty in the hands of a
Spanish barkman. |
|
As yet the fleet of Terra Ferma are not departed. Here is an express
order come from the King that the galleons shall stay after the fleet
30 or 40 days, because the merchants may have some time to make sale
of their goods till the galleons go to fetch the treasure. So it is thought
hearby they can [not?] return so soon as they did last year.—Seville,
this 20th February, 1608, stillo nuova.
Holograph. Endorsed. "5 Feb. 1607." 12/3 pp. (120 58.) |
|
Advertisements from Cologne |
|
1607–8, Feb. 9/19. |
"De Couloigne, le 19me de Febr. 1608" Our
last letters from Vienna announce others from Possonia of the 26th
passant reporting the arrival there of the Archduke Matthias, where
the Diet of the Kingdom of Hungary is to be held. His Highness means
to declare there that the Emperor was resolved not to observe in their
entirety the articles heretofore decreed with the Hungarians for
certain reasons moving his Majesty thereto. Nevertheless, they will not
yield a single point in them, but will rather have their due of the
whole or will else devote their bodies and goods to their observance.
Moreover, they will not permit any delay or intermission in this, and
will not suffer his Majesty to send any foreign troops into their country.
For the practices of the Court are well enough known to them, who
understand very well to what they tend. |
|
The letters say also that the Signor Mishaski has arrived at Possonia
with a hundred halberdiers clothed in one uniform. He has had in
addition by him more than two hundred haydugges, thus maintaining
himself contrary to custom very magnificently. |
|
They write also from Poland that the Queen was in bed at Craccovie
of a young prince, who has been named Estienne Vladislas. The convocation of the senators should be held soon. The King does not wish the
Roccossiens to have any part therein, but they are still preparing
themselves for the pursuit of their objects. |
|
Letters from Ratisbon report that the Ambassadors and States of
the Empire cannot agree whether they shall first deliberate upon the
fact of the contribution or upon that of justice, for those who were
of the religion were afraid that if the fact of the contribution was taken
in hand before that of justice, the other points would be shelved. There
is a rumour that the Duke Ferdinand of Bavaria is dead, but the
letters give no other particulars. |
|
Private letters from Germany inform me as follows. At the Diet
(Journée) of Ratisbon everything slumbers. I think the deputies of the
princes and towns will not say Amen to the propositions made, for I
know on good authority that the Donneweert event has effected the
union of all the Protestant princes without regard to whether they be
of the religion of Luther or that of Calvin. If the towns unite as well
as the princes, as there is every appearance of, and continue allied
with them, it will be without doubt to the good and peace of the
Empire. For the hypocrites (papelarts) will not dare to wax haughty
as they have thought to do, and this Donnewert event, as it seems, is
or will be a medicine to cure several complaints which for a long while
past have been gnawing away the intestines of the Empire, so admirable
is God in his ways that with a bad tool he can produce a good work. |
|
We understand also that the Archduke Leopold has arrived at
Zabern with 300 horse, and has been received there very magnificently.
The Count of Hanauw, together with the other deputies of the Emperor,
was preparing for his departure for Holland. |
|
From Rome, 2 Feb. 1608. Commander Lomellino has arrived here
today to take up his residence in the town as the representative of the
Grand Master of Malta. |
|
The Pope has ordered the collection of a large sum of money to
repair the damage caused by the inundation of the river here. In
Romagna the same river has also caused 70,000 crowns of damage, and
in other places besides. |
|
On Wednesday were solemnly celebrated by the Pope's order in
Santa Maria Magdelena the funeral rites of the deceased Ambassador
of the King of Congo. |
|
The Signor Don Inico de Cardenas, having been Ambassador of the
Catholic [King] at Venice, has arrived here and should go to reside in
France, having been first for his devotion to the Holy House of Loretto,
and afterwards ad osculum pedis of his Holiness. |
|
At Naples, provisions for the naval expedition (l'armee navale) to go
against the Turks of Algiers continue to be made, a large quantity of
biscuit being cooked for this object. |
|
From Venice, the 8th ditto, 1608. From Milan they write that
Fuentes was still indisposed, and that the Archduke Maximilian, by the
Emperor's order, had put to death in a certain place some of the principal Grysons, and had imprisoned others. We have heard also of the
death of Mons. d'Arbigni which happened in the Chasteau de Moncaleri,
and that Count Guydo San Georgio, who has served in Flanders, has now
put himself and his lands at the service of the Duke of Savoy, by whom
he has been sent towards Mantua in consequence of the stormy nuptials
(des turbuleez noeces) between the Prince there and his daughter. |
|
We have heard, moreover, from Genoa that Charlus Spinola has been
declared the new general of the galleys and that in the harbour there
a Flanders boat, laden with salt (?seel) and corn, has been accidentally
burnt. |
|
We hear also that one Berton, an Englishman, has taken a French
ship in the Archipelago. The ship was going from Soria to Marseilles,
and was laden with divers merchandise valued at 150,000 crowns. |
|
From Genoa we are advised of the arrival and departure thence for
Spain of D. Francisco di Castro. He was very magnificently received
and entertained there. On account of the extreme cold there were frosts
there, and all the cedar and lemon trees had been spoilt. About Ferrara,
so heavy had been the snowfalls that hardly anyone could travel. |
|
Wednesday night two ships of Flanders, laden with herrings and
other merchandise, went to the bottom in consequence of the terrible
storms. |
|
We hear from our last letters from Poland of the arrival at Craccovie
of a commissioner of the King of Spain with very rich presents sent by
his Majesty to the King there, amongst others six beautiful Spanish
jennets, the presents amounting in value, together with those sent by
the Queen, to 160,000 crowns. |
|
The arrival of the Archduke Matthias at Possonia is confirmed from
Vienna. He was met by several barons, nobles and States of the
Kingdom of Hungary. But notwithstanding this, the Hungarians and
Haydugges desire the confirmation of the articles heretofore granted
them, and the free possession of all that their deceased Lord Botschcay
had occupied. |
|
Post date from Couloigne. We have certain news that the Spaniard
is raising troops in Italy, Switzerland and Germany in great numbers.
This is not the best index of peace. God keep us from treason. |
|
The death of the Duke of Wirtenberch has taken place at Stutgart,
where he is to be buried on 26 Feb. old style.
French. 4 pp. (194 120.) |
|
Levynus Munck to Roger Houghton |
|
1607–8, Feb. 10. |
I am commanded by my Lord to send to you for
20l to be employed for foreign services.—Court, 10 Feb. 1607. Receipt
for this sum at foot signed by Munck.
Holograph. ½ p. (213 31.) |
|
Pensioners |
|
[1607–8, Feb. 10.] |
Privy seal addressed to Sir William Fleetwood,
Receiver General of the Court of Wards and Liveries, for the payment of
4000l per annum to certain pensioners, according to a schedule annexed.
Undated.
Draft with corrections by Salisbury. Endorsed: "10, Feb. 1607." 1 p.
(193 71.) |
|
[The Earl of Salisbury] to [Dr Goade] |
|
1607–8, Feb. 11. |
Upon a petition lately exhibited to me by one
Mr. Gurney, Fellow of Bennett College, I did direct my letters unto you
for the respiting of your sentence in a cause of appeal betwixt Dr.
Jegon, Master of Bennett College, and the said Mr Gurney, until I
might be advertised by you of the cause. I did not so write as out of
any mind to interrupt the ordinary course of the government of the
University by yourself and others there, which is so well discharged,
nor to give way to this argument of animating irregular "refractarists"
in that government, by flying up hither to me with complaints, to decline
their just censure by you; but as commiserating the perplexed passion
of the young man expressed in his manner of writing to me. And
therefore, having given so much hearing to both parties as suffices to
inform me of the nature of the business betwixt them, and somewhat
discovers to me the disposition of either of them, I do remit the cause
back again to you to be so sentenced as you shall find it to deserve.
Howbeit, I could wish that by your wisdom and moderation it might be
so carried, as it may rather prove to the young man a reformation
than a ruin, for though I find him to be but of a distempered spirit
and unbridled affections, yet there seems to be in him those eruditionis
semina, which in time, with better experience being ripened in discretion,
may yield the fruit of some good use. If therefore you shall so carry
the cause as you shall bring him to a submission, with promise of
reformation, I would wish that he might thereupon be re-elected in
locum et statum quo prius, and so in a convenient time to satisfy
the due of the Statute by entering into orders, whereunto as yet
I judge him less fit than were to be wished in regard of his uncomposed
affections. And to avoid the like question hereafter—I being satisfied
by the proofs thereof made that the words of the Statute ordinandus
infra tres annos intend a necessity of entering into Holy Orders within
that time—I think it very fit, the case concerning young men who often
are most negligent in the things that most concern them, that a clause
be added to the late interpretation of that Statute made by yourself
and others, that the Master shall always give a public recognition of
entering into orders before six at the least of the Fellows, some convenient time, as of four months before the expiration of those three years,
and that this Statute being one to which all that society are alike sworn,
it may be alike extended to all, and not urged and relaxed as the Master
shall be affected in favour or disfavour to the Fellows of the College. |
|
Touching some injurious imputations aspersed by Mr Gurney upon
Dr Jegon, though I take them to be none other than the malicious
recriminations of an unadvised young man, incensed with gall, yet to
prevent the worst, that inconveniences run not too far, if there be not
any such occasion, I pray you as Visitor to that House to have an eye
upon it, as you shall see cause, out of which imputations I wish all the
Heads of Colleges would take a friendly admonition from me, and
that is of the inconvenience which Colleges sustain by the having of
wives and families within the College. I did think that that which was
lately attempted in Parliament for the reformation thereof would have
made them more careful of this University's blemish, but it does not
appear to be so. I pray you at the next assembling of the Heads to
you to advertise them hereof from me. And so I commit you to God's
protection.
Draft. The last sentence in Salisbury's hand. Endorsed: "11 Feb.
1607." 3 pp. (136 147.) |
|
Captain H. Tomkins to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
[1607–8] Feb. 12. |
I have presumed (upon the bounty your Lordship hath afforded me, first in France, and after in procuring my pardon)
to write to you. You may remember in her Majesty's time in my private
employments at sea, I continually sent what advertisements my fortune
or understanding were capable of. I have suffered too much from my
action in Levant seas in the end of her Majesty's reign, wherein if it
can be sufficiently proved that I did take the value of 400l from any
people in league with the State. I will sell myself for a slave to repay it,
notwithstanding that I had under my command 50,000l of Venetians'
goods, of which I took only five pieces of ordnance and munition,
leaving ships and all besides to the Venetians; and that argosy, which
hath been the cause of my troubles, gave me 200 great shot, and
intended to take my ship before ever I fought with her, neither putting
forth their colours nor once speaking with us. The goods I had out of
that ship belonged to Jews and Armenian merchants, whereof I have
good proof. Now my request is that your Lordship would favour my
cause, whereby you shall ever bind me to you. I have a desire to spend
my time in Virginia, or in the discovery of the North-West passage for
the rich kingdom of China, wherein I will willingly adventure my life
and fortunes. These then are my griefs and my intentions, and if you
will not accept this charge, you refuse a charitable deed which God hath
sent you to perform.—Rotterdam, in Holland, the 12th of February.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1607." 1 p. (104 21.) |
|
Henry Richardson to James Bruxbey |
|
1607–8, Feb. 12/22. |
I have received your letter and eighty pounds
sterling for the three months' allowance it pleased you to make me. My
long silence has been partly through sickness, partly through the dispatch of other business much concerning my private estate. I have at
length obtained my desire to go to Rome in the company of my Lord of
Tyrone, and will punctually observe your direction for conveyance of my
letters unto you, by the means of Mr Thomas Young at Florence. By the
discontent which I see in my Lord of Tyrone and his company, I perceive
that the news which they have received out of Spain, whereby they are
forbidden to come thither, much troubles them. And they are destitute
of all other help saving that which they expect by the Catholic princes
upon the way (whereof I will give you knowledge), and of his Holiness
when they come to Rome, either out of his own coffers or by his recommendation into Spain. We have received, as I understand, from the
King of Spain and his ministers since our coming here 10,000 crowns,
and now of late almost 5000 crowns to dispatch us from hence, and to
bear our charges into Italy; where we are put in hope by the advertisement received from thence to have better comfort. Those employed at
Rome to negotiate our business with his Holiness, namely Doctor
Lombart, my Lord Prime head (sic) of Ireland, Father Nugent the
Capuchin and others, feed us with comfortable promises, which although they may be somewhat in show, yet I cannot think they will be
sufficient to relieve our necessities. My Lord of Tyrone, my friends and
myself, have been much afflicted for the loss of that worthy Catholic
gentleman, Brian MacArt, as also for the course we have understood the
King has taken to change the tenure of those lands that are held of his
Lordship, which may turn to the prejudice of the Catholic religion and
the hurt of our country. Our regiment is at this time about twelve
hundred men strong, but it is thought 4 or 5 of the weakest companies
are to be cashiered, and the commissaries which are lately dispatched
for those services have commission to execute the same. Some of the
captains of the regiment which have means to live in their country, are
resolved to return home, as Captain Preston, Captain Dalahaie and
others; who, if they may receive favour in Ireland, would rather live
there subject to the heretics than enjoy the liberty of their conscience
here, and the benefit of their company. It is now constantly believed
amongst us that Tyrone, in regard of the Archduke's reservedness
towards him, will be constrained to transport his wife and children
with him into Italy. They say that he will send one Jenkin Williams,
who has been retainer these three years to Capt. Art Onell, into Ireland
through England for the dispatch of some business there. Tyrone,
notwithstanding his poor condition, shall be accompanied hence with
eighteen persons or thereabouts, as you may perceive by the list of
their names (missing), which are set down at the foot of this letter. I
will not fail to give you to understand of our entertainment by the way,
and of such things as may tend to the furtherance of our proceedings
by the help of his Holiness and our other Catholic friends. I have
heretofore written to entreat the assistance of Mr Hadsor for the procuring of a passport for Mrs Rathe, who partly by my persuasions is
come into England, and if in your judgment her stay there may be any
hindrance to my proceedings, I pray you will rather seek means to send
her over hither than to keep her there, where she can do neither good
nor hurt. After our departure hence, I shall have better commodity to
advertise you of the courses which those poor Earls and our persecuted
countrymen intend to take, because I have heard them say that there
are so many spies set upon them by the Council of England and the
English Ambassador, as our company conceal their resolutions from all
men as much as can be for fear of being discovered.—Brussels, 22 Feb.
1608.
Holograph. Endorsement by Salisbury, afterwards cancelled: "This is
wrytten by an unknown." 2 pp. (125 32.) |
|
The Earl of Shrewsbury to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 14. |
Assuring myself that whatsoever greatly concerns
me in my estate, either one way or other, does somewhat affect your
Lordship also, I am the bolder to let you know that yesterday about 5
of the clock in the evening, it pleased God to take out of this life the
great aged lady, my mother-in-law, who had that great blessing of
sense and memory even to the end, and devoutly called upon God
whilst she had breath. With the remembrance of my wife's best commendations to you, who vexes herself with extreme grief and many
tears.—At Sheffield Lodge this Sunday, 14 Feb. 1607. |
|
PS. I thank you for that small thing in the Peak that you lately
passed unto me, and I know my wife would do the like, if she were in a
case to be asked that question. I pray you send this enclosed to my
Lady Arabella.
Holograph. ½ p. (120 75.) |
|
Hugh Lee to the Earl of Salisbury |
|
1607–8, Feb. 14/24. |
My last unto your Lordship was of the 13th
hereof, and no. 22 sent under cover accustomed, which I hope is by this
or very shortly will be, with you. Since the same here is small alteration,
saving that the mariners whose scedula first sent down for their release
was intercepted, are now (by a second procured by his Lordship [the
English Ambassador] released from their captivity in the galleys, and
some of them go home in this ship, passengers. |
|
Three days past I received a letter from my Lord Ambassador, bearing
date the 11th hereof in Madrid, wherein amongst other matters he
writes thus much touching them—the very words of his letter are these,
—"My hope is that by the last ordinary you have received the King's
scedula for delivery of my countrymen in the galleys, as also that Don
Luis Faxardo has set at liberty Squire and Tyler, having sent unto him
the King's letter and seal to that purpose, as in my former letters I
wrote unto you. I am heartily glad I took the opportunity I did for
their discharge, for having long sued for Mr Challons and those of his
company in Seville (whose lives, it seems, they meant to consume in
prison), all that I have or can effect is that the younger and meaner
sort shall be set at liberty, and those of the better quality and most
years committed to the galleys. This pitiful sentence I received this
day for them, which I assure you does much grieve me, yet shall not so
far discourage me but that I will continue my labours for them as I
shall find opportunity and season for it. But by this heavy hand of
theirs towards them at Seville, it appears how much the Spaniard takes
to heart our English purpose to plant in Virginia." This much verbatim
out of his Lordship's said letter I have thought fit to signify coming so
fresh, and having present conveyance may perhaps have speedier
passage than the conveyance overland. The common bruit here now is
that the peace is concluded with the States; yet within these 10 days
has happened matter manifesting the contrary, as 12 sail of Hollanders
coming through the Straits were chased by 4 galleys of the King of
Spain. There was only one Holland ship that stood upon her defence
who by her resistance escaped them; the other 11 yielded their ships,
and betaking themselves to their boats fled to certain Lubeckers that
were not far from them, so that the galleys towed the 11 sail into
Cales and St Lucars. Also a flyboat which lately came into Vyana
laden with rye, manned with Englishmen saving only one born in
Holland yet married and dwelling in Dover, upon some notice that the
rye was laden in Holland, though they have need thereof, yet by rigour
of law they have made seizure both of ship and goods, and imprisoned
the men. These actions carry not the show of perfect peace. |
|
As well the Spaniards as the Portingales rulers in this kingdom
have lately been, and yet are very desirous, to buy English shipping,
and have much importuned me to be a means to the masters of them to
draw them to consent unto the sales of such as they sail in; unto whom
I have answered with the penalties of his Majesty's laws, which directly
forbid the sale of any shipping unto any stranger whereunto his Majesty
has contributed towards their building, without his Majesty's licence
first had for the same. Doubtless the chief cause of the desire they
have to buy and employ them is that they should be baits to snare such
English as do haunt either of their Indies for trade of merchandises,
for that no Englishman would seek to fly or avoid the presence of any
such as enemies, but rather covet to speak with them as assured friends.
So jealous do they grow of those Indies that henceforth I could wish
such of his Majesty's subjects, as mind to adventure into those parts,
to go in such sort as they may be able to defend themselves, or to refrain
to go; for surely where the Spaniard shall hereafter overcome they will
show no mercy, neither in sparing life nor goods. |
|
Here is late news from the East Indies by land, which is very distasteful unto these people. It seems the Hollanders, with the help of
those country people, have effected something at Malacca to the great
annoyance of the Portingals, wherefore it behoves them to make all the
provision they can for recovering and saving that country, otherwise
it is in great danger of losing, and is much feared here. |
|
As the Spaniard is most politic and secret in all his plots, making
show always contrary to his purpose, yet that these 6 galleons given
out to be prepared for the East Indies and that they are resolvedly for
that service to be employed, there are many reasons to be yielded.
First, being parcel of the Armada under the command of Don Luis
Faxardo for the Crown of Spain, they were lately delivered over unto the
Viceroy for the Crown of Portingale. Secondly, they are rigged and
made ready for any service by the officers of the Crown of Portingale.
And thirdly, their captains and soldiers appointed unto them are
Portingals. Which reasons, with the former necessities, may be sufficient
persuasions for a man's satisfaction, and yet the command of a King
suddenly may alter the same and make other employment thereof
at his pleasure, and therefore man may err in his true intent. |
|
I hear for certain there is some preparation of shipping at the Groyne
and is said that Don Luis Faxardo goes from hence thither very shortly,
but for what service or place not to be learned as yet. |
|
George Bacon, the youth of Lynn which I wrote you in my last,
was reclaimed by Henry Fludd, who has since placed him in a school,
where he carries himself already as a teacher and begins to take upon
him the conversion of such English youths as are here, and lets not to
make his brags publicly that he hopes to convert a great number of
them. He is very likely to prove a very dangerous viper by the instigation of his animators, Fludd and others; and except now in the beginning there may be means made to call him home, hereafter it will hardly
be done. He has said here unto some that he has an elder brother which
is likewise a scholar in France. |
|
Here is newly come from the Court of Spain old Mr Trigeon, that was
so long prisoner in the Fleet in the days of the most worthy late Queen
Elizabeth. It is said the King of Spain has bestowed a fair house upon
him, which lies half a league from this city by the riverside near the sea,
where he may speak with any ship at her first entrance. It is very likely
to be by procurement of Creswell the Jesuit at the Court, with small
purpose of any good for the commonwealth of England, but to serve the
better their own turns for the transportation of letters and such like.
But if his Majesty's love towards the King of Spain were requited with
like integrity, then in my poor opinion he would not plant his Majesty's
disloyal subjects, or rather such as are known to be public rebels and
traitors to his Majesty, in places where they may give most annoyance
to his Majesty and his loyal subjects. But verily, I rather think it the
work of the English Jesuits in Spain than the will of the King of Spain.
Howsoever, it is to be wished that it might be reformed by providing
for such within the land and not in the sea ports.—Lixa [Lisbon]
24 Feb. 1608, new style.
Holograph. Endorsed: "24 February, 1607. Re[ceived] the 19th
of March." 3 pp. (120 92.) |
