BHO

Cecil Papers: July 1607, 16-30

Pages 182-202

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 19, 1607. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1965.

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July 1607, 16-30

Josias Kyrton to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 16. How deeply the conceit of your displeasure is rooted in me, the grievous sickness which now possesses me will unfeignedly testify. I protest that my proceeding in calling for the presentment of the verdict was mere duty whereunto my service bound me, without intention or apprehension of incurring his Majesty's indignation, displeasure of your lordship, or contempt of any court of record. Notwithstanding I am not so confident in my own opinion but as I ought so will I refer myself to your justice only. I have been twice examined, and have ingenuously, as I hope, confessed the secrecy and simplicity of mine intentions. I have been 3 weeks close prisoner, which has bred in me a dangerous sickness, as the doctors Turner and Hipocrates are able to justify; wherein if I be not relieved by your taking of bail for my remove into a more convenient place for my recovery, I shall perish, together with my poor wife and children.—Fleet, 16 July, 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (121. 134.)
Lady Anne Brouncker to the Same.
1607, July 17. It is not unknown unto you how my Lord Hayes obtained of his Majesty the reversion of the lease of the impost of Ireland, which I assure you of my conscience was the chief means that hastened Mr. Brouncker's death. I did not think to have said this much to any, but I hear Lord Hayes intends to get the interest that his Majesty may take by a nice point of the law that was made by a servant whom Mr. Brouncker put in trust to pass the new lease, and did not surrender the old, he being ignorant of any such point in law to prejudice the estate. And now Lord Hayes intends if the King will satisfy his desire that I and mine shall no longer enjoy the lease than the years which the late Queen gave Mr. Brouncker, which, as he says, is but 2 years. My suit is that you will let his Majesty know of the small default made by my servant, but the advantage thereof taken will be an absolute overthrow to the estate of me and mine, and enforce a heart-breaking to us all. I know my Lord Hayes is powerful, if he attempt my ruin, but then must I omit no time or opportunity to kneel before his Majesty with importunate suit for justice and mercy at whose hands I doubt not so far to prevail as to free this small scruple in law and to have his gracious intent to Mr. Brouncker made good. I have delivered a petition to his Majesty for some relief for myself and children, and I beseech your honourable assistance for some help from his Majesty.—From my lodging, 17 July, 1607.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (121. 135(2).)
Reynold Smith to the Same.
1607, July 17. May it please you to be advertised by Mr. Percivall, whom I have more particularly acquainted, how extreme hard measure I am at this present suffering through an arresting me into the Counter in Woodstreet, procured by one Sir Raffe Bevyll, as having set over unto him a forfeited bond of 100l. made by me some nine years since unto Mr. Edward Madison as a counter-bond of having him harmless about 50l. money, which he then upon some dealing we had together had joined with me in borrowing, and in respect whereof I have at sundry times since made such offers as three of the best friends of his I could bethink as mediators acknowledged, not reasonably to be refused by him; in so much that Mr. Leonard Lovelace, finding his intractableness, gave him quite over, as among much more I have made Mr. Percivall acquainted withal by sending the letters and writings concerning that our treaty. Have consideration how through my now being cooped up, and besides being in extremity of want I shall (without being someways supplied or rescued in the one or the other) be quite overcome by such actions as will come against me; though having since my coming hither had the supply of 40s. by a cousin of mine Myles Sandes, I have, I hope, for a while avoided one action brought to trial. But through a loathness of reviving an old hate to your house I might long since have gotten a good round sum through taking advantage of the law for that battery and maim which I so judicially had happened me at Essex House; but the honourable regardings I have at sundry times received from you made me forbear to take myself to some courts, which my extreme poverty has tempted me greatly unto. There is one other way your lordship (as it pleased you once heretofore to afford me, being in prison) may greatly stead me, by writing that there be no other actions entered against me, grounded upon the reasons whereof I have put down a minuted letter to Mr. Percivall, as alterable at your pleasure.—17 July, 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (121. 136.)
Sir Henry Cocke to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 17. Now the height of summer is past winter will soon draw on, and then the King is very like to come down into Hertfordshire about his usual affected sports fit for that time of the year, and will expect that the ways and bridges for his passage along the river of Ley may be duly performed as appointed, which cannot be done without money. There is now already (as I find by the books) due for former arrearages about 60l., whereof there is due to a locksmith, a very poor man, about 28l for the which (with many pitiful complaints) he has been a long and often suitor. By a new book set down by Mr. Flinger, Mr. Cooke, Mr. Flynte and others, there are many bridges to be new made, many of the old to be removed, and many to be repaired, the charge whereof will amount unto about 320l., besides the arrearages aforesaid. In respect of the breaking of my arm I am this summer enforced to stay about home. I desire your direction touching this troublesome business.—From Broxborne, 17 July, 1607.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (121. 137.)
An Uncle to his Nephew.
[? 1607], July 18. Honest nephew, I writ to you last by my cousin James what good success your business hath in Court. And now having opportunity to send unto you safely by our cousin Thomas, I send you a bee in a box, out of which you and all England may gather honey, if it be rightly handled. These articles were showed me by a dear friend, and with much ado writ them out myself, because I durst not trust any in this place. You are acquainted with my fist, and therefore it will serve between you and me. Impart them warily to our trusty friends, and let copies of them be dispersed secretly among them, that upon occasion they may show themselves true Englishmen, lovers of their country's liberty and the welfare of their posterity. Your plate cost 23l. 10s. 9d., your new suit 5l. 3s. I will fetch the money at Michaelmas, for I desire to see you and our other friends and to confer about many things. Away with Scots and Danes and English atheists, their complices, or woe to England for ever. Tib and my daughter Ann greet you well.—My house near London, 18 July.
Holograph. Signature illegible. ½ p. (121. 138.)
Antony Tracy to Sir Thomas Sherley, the younger.
1607, July 21. More than to tell you of the receipt of yours of the 25 May and 5 June, this brings not anything. The tumults of the Grisons still continue and it is one of the best kindled and nourished things that of long time has been heard of, and there want not those that are of opinion that it will end with the dissolution of that state. The G[rand] Duke's "armata" keeps us still in expectation; by the end of this month here may be news of the success. In the meantime the preparations go forward for the marriage of this prince in October for aught is known to the contrary, and Sig. Don Virginio Orsino is to go unto the Archduke of Gratts's Court for to accompany the princess hither.—Florence, 21 July, 1607.
PS.—If you will deliver my commendations unto my brothers and the rest of my friends I will receive it for a favour.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (121. 140.)
The Earl of Dunbar to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1607], July 22. His Majesty this night after coming from hunting has received this enclosed parcel, which I am to send unto you and his Majesty's pleasure is that after you have read the same and considered of it you should with all speed send a warrant for the stay of these executions till a more certain knowledge be offered, for his Majesty thinks there can be no harm in the reprieving of these persons for a time; and in this his Majesty says he follows the opinion of the Lower House that it is better to spare the guilty than to punish the innocent. So you will do in this according to his Majesty's pleasure and your own wisdom. His Majesty has this morning been with me in a long discourse of you and of your nature, how great your love is of his service, both to have him to spare and not give at all times and how careful you are to have an end of giving; and yet withal his Majesty says that for his honour you are most careful to have him to give to those that have deserved, who you know most have. So his Majesty said unto me these words—"there was never a king in the world had such servant as I have of him, for he is passionate and angry when I give in an unresponsible sort, but yet he is careful to have me to give what for my honour I must give; and he is the rightest fashion of a good servant for a king, because he does care for my honour and profit both alike." My Lord, this is all that I can write unto you till I see you, but this much his Majesty thinks, that when you are not with him he should hear from you every two days at least. So, my Lord, let us hear what you are doing; it will not be amiss.—Otlands, 22 July.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1607." 2 pp. (121. 141–2.)
William Bruse to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 22. I writ lately to you at my passing to this Court, after your commandments, to assist Mr. Ramelius, Chancellor of Denmark, in his adoes; but the dangerous sedition of this nobility stayed him that he could not come thither. Seemeth the nobility here is so evil disposed against the "Deutsche" nation, that he had been in danger of his life if he had passed the border of Prusse. The Elector of Brandenburg's Ambassador was spoiled, his principal secretary killed with other servitors, the Duke of Cureland's Ambassador taken and to have been killed, if he had not been delivered by the intercession of some noblewomen who were in a church near the place where he was invaded. I came surely through as our King's Majesty's servant without any harm, and stayed in a town called Pultowski six miles from Warso [Warsaw], where the parliament was holden and the armies in the fields abiding Mr. Ramelius. This King had promised to confirm with his oath the articles I sent to you last year, but finding himself strong and well-assisted by the greatest of his nobility and senators, he refused to swear, desiring to be brought to a trial of the processes alleged against him. The 12th June was prefixed to the parliament a preremptory term to the factious nobility to prove against his Majesty the pretended processes, which they refused to do, alleging the parliament of no authority since they, as members of this state, have not consented to the choosing of the deputies, whom they affirmed only to be chosen by the King's faction; so this king was absolved by vote of parliament, their "allegances" in writ produced judged frivolous, and a term prefixed to the "Rokusaners" to crave pardon at the King and to scale their army. The Jesuits likewise, being generally reputed participants of this King's alleged processes in the administration of this commonwealth, were declared unguilty and ordained in times to come that the annates of church benefices should not be sent to Rome but kept in the treasury of this crown, and no appellations to be more granted out of the country to the state of Rome. Against the which the Pope's legate protested, so the parliament the 18th June being concluded and the "Rockusaners" not obeying thereto, it was finally ordained that 6 noblemen with power of the whole state should treat with them of conditions of peace, that wars might be made against the Swedenish and Muscovites, to which end two contributions were directed to be given. The deputies for the civil peace agreed with the "Rockusaners" in all things except two points, the one, they refused that any new councillor should be ordained to remain by this King, but only the senators of the country after the ancient laws and customs of this estate; the other was, the "Rockusaners" desired a contribution to be made to them for the recompense of their charges, made, as they allege, for the commonwealth. To which this King would no way consent. If it had been granted they would not have standen much for the other point touching the change of courtiers and councillors. The bishops, seeing that poverty was their greatest "grugge," offered them 150,000 florins Polish to be at peace, which is as much as 30,000l., which sum not esteeming equal to their expenses made, they rejected, saying they were no beggars to beg at the church; so the King denounced he would declare them rebels and pursue them with armies. They incontinent having intercepted a packet from the Archduchess, his mother-in-law, previewed his denunciation, and proclaimed him no more to be their King, commanding him out of the country. He commanded his army to fight them, being only 5 or 6 English miles camped away. His soldiers required 'ere they entered in blood with their friends and countrymen, that they might send them a message to advertise them of their duty and to understand the reason of their rebellion. The King granted them their request, and they made a convention amongst themselves and chose 50 gentlemen, the most part captains of horsemen to confer with the enemy. The 27 June they had their speech with them in the fields betwixt both the camps; there they demanded wherefore they had renounced to the King obedience, not communicating first with them, gentlemen their fellows and brethen affectionated to the crown and country as they were. If their remonstrance had been just they would have adhered to them; otherwise they hoped they would desist and submit themselves as true subjects to their King. They made answer by one Lord Felix Herbert, they were obliged to do as they did for the commonwealth, first, because he had violated the privileges and liberties of the country, next because he had lost the provinces of Muldavie, Walachie and Livonie, conquered with their blood; thirdly, because he had sold Prusse for the which the Poles had so long made wars; fourthly because he had furnished his father's brother Duke Charles in Sweden money to war against their country; which reasons being imputed by them frivolous, they parted with resolution to fight them at the King's command. The morrow after the King's general, called Lord Zolkeuskye, and Lord Kotkowitz, general of Livonie, principal governors of the King's camp, desired speech of their chiefs and conductors to bring them to agreeance, but in vain. They answered as before they would never have Sigismund more to be their King. So the generals denounced them battle for the morrow. The same night they lifted their camp, being a great many fewer in number nor the King was, giving to understand to the common soldiers they were going to meet with their new King. The morrow by day, which was the 30 June, after this new calculation, the King moved after them, and came that day some 20 English miles from them. The 1 July they came to a water called Warcka, some 40 English miles from Warso, and all the night passed their baggages and wagons, so that as the King's avantgarde came in their sight they were past the bridge wholly and pulled it down, and killed some of the King's men with their field-pieces. The 3 July they were near overtaken by the King's camp, but were not assailed; on both sides speech being demanded they entered in conference with the King's army, desiring dilation till the morrow and that for "eviting" of all inconveniences, as they pretended, they might remove them 6 miles English from the King's army. Which being granted they moved in the night, and sent a letter to the King bidding him void the country, which was long holden up unrendered to his Majesty by a gentleman their favourer by the King, to midday. Therefore he was hanged presently in his arms, and some of his partners judged ignobles and unworthy to carry arms. The King dispatched a post after them desiring conference, he would accord to all their demands. They designed a place where to meet with him and to confer of all conditions. In the meantime he overtakes them the 5 July as they were marching to the place appointed, and having no retreat nor advantage of ground, were constrained to combat unprepared "lippinning" for no such breakfast, the "Woywode" counselling rather to scale their men in many troops, and so to escape, nor to combat at their disadvantage. The young prince James Radziville prevailed with the contrary opinion, rather to fight and abide the hazard of a battle nor to make any show of fleeing, so he received Kotkowitz, governor of Livonie, who made the first charge with 1,000 lances, and stood out the fight stoutly, while at last the "Woywode" by the King's general Zolkewsky being put in some disorder he was charged with a new squadron of horsemen, and so environed amongst the King's men that either he was to be taken or killed; which seeing, Lord Herbert succoured him with some troops of horsemen, and made him free of the enemies, and the Woywode had put himself in such order that the King was not hasty to give him another charge, and so they retreated in good order; which perceiving, the King's men, partly by hand rencontre the "Rockusaners" had made, partly by the "buttings" and preys which they left, were stayed, while they were retired so far that day that they could not again well force them to combat. The next day they scaled their men at the passage of a great river called Vistula, with commandment to meet at one of the King's towns called Lubline, near to the Lord of Zamoscie, his old Chancellor's former lands. The King passed to some place of devotion, from hence to Craco[w] to his Queen, sending some 2,000 men to prevent them, that they should not have "entress" in the old Chancellor's town called Zamoskie, where they thought to have had a safe retreat, with money and munitions to repair new forces. Being prevented they sent the rest of their forces to one of the King's towns called Crasnostaw, some 12 English miles therefrom, with the Lord Herbert; the Woywode and Radziville entered in one of the King's greatest towns and of greatest trade, called above Lubline, and did no violence, but took some money of the merchants, sparing only our King's Majesty's subjects English and Scottish, having seen a general commendation which I had written with some English merchants to all gentlemen and nobles to be favourable to them. The "Rockusaners" were not esteemed to have been in the fight above 4,000 fighting men, almost horsemen. The King had 10,000 old soldiers by his courtiers and followers. There were killed in the fight about 1,500, of which were only 120 gentlemen of reputation, but no nobleman of any principal account, of the which only 15 were of the King's men. He lost many common soldiers, but kept the place and won their baggage and artillery. Now this faction of "Rockusaners" are making new forces, pretending this next month the election of a new King. Lord Gabriel Bathory, whom they thought to have had out of Hung[ary], apparently is not willing to accept the crown, having answered he would not come in Poland, except the whole nobility with one accord elected him, and would send him to make his charges 200,000 Hungarish ducats, which sum is not easy to be had in this country; so not having a Christian prince to assist them, it is to be feared they will follow some desperate course with the assistance of Turks and Tartars, if this King be negligent as he has been in the beginning to follow and pursue them and stop them to come more together. What shall fall out you shall be duly advertised. More, it is reported here for verity that Duke Charles of Sweden, who now calls himself King, has obtained some victory of the Poles in Livonie, they being there but a very small number for the division in their realm to the which all the best soldiers are convened, and has taken prisoner a Polish nobleman called Borowskye and a castle called Wyttensteine of great importance, the strongest hold in all that country; but by the inadvertence of the Swedens the powder took fire and blew up a great number of the bravest soldiers, who were entered in the castle; amongst many others of our countrymen one Colonel Spense, who I hope was known to your Honour, is dead. About the same time their new King Charles has written letters of great indignation to this great town, desiring them, as I writ before, to send him all the banished Swedens, or to put them out of their town, and to pay him 6,000 dollars which a gentlemen of Poland called Laskye, well known in England for debts of great sums, owes to some merchants in Sweden, and to send him all the munitions and artillery which this King brought with him from Sweden: which demands are able to make this town arm itself against the Swedens with the Polish. It is written to me that you esteem that I write not so often as my place requires. I pray you to consider the distance of this country from England, with the few occasions of messengers, and the little means I have to dispatch posts when I will, yet I know nothing has passed in these countries but his Majesty has been by me diligently advertised. If you will command any of his Majesty's subjects at Hamburge or Stade or Amsterdam, where the ordinary posts pass, to receive and direct surely my letters, with every post you shall have of my letters. Otherwise I dare not trust the posts except I wist to whom to direct the letters in the aforesaid towns, having written sundry times, but find them not all to have come to your hands. Moreover I have written to every one of the Privy Council what I thought particularly to pertain to his charge, to advertise his Majesty, and all summarily to your Honour. Your Honour knows his Majesty will not himself be troubled with long letters. I understand you answered my Lord of Kinlosse that I had a sufficient patent. You asked of me at my parting if I had an agent's patent, and I told you I had none but his Majesty's pass with his closed letter to this King, and seeing it was his Majesty's commandment I should go hither with the first ship, I thought not necessary and could not stay for it, assuring me that by this King I "mistered" not any more letter, being so well known in this country; but if it should appear needful I would write to your Honour. Now I find that in his Majesty's subjects' adoes before the magistrates of towns, and in this time of sedition before noblemen, a patent were necessary after the tenour of his Majesty's letter to this King, which I request you to cause send to me with the first occasion. I have thought good to request his Majesty to write to this King and noblemen, to exhort them to peace and concord, and to recommend the young prince Radziwilles and the old Lord Chancellor's son to this King, because they are great subjects and have confidence in our King's favour, to whose greatness pertains to maintain friends and favourers in all parts; and namely here, where so many of his Majesty's subjects trade, to whom surely these letters will be helpful, whatsoever shall chance. I send you herewith in Latin a form after the which I could wish them written, convenient to the present state of this country. I may pass through a chargeable country in times of war as his Majesty's servant, therefore let me be supported something by his Majesty's ordinary liberality. In time of peace I have spent thrice as much as his Majesty bestows on me.— Danskine, 22 July, 1607.
PS.—Lately Lord Herbert is taken, betrayed by his own soldiers for lack of money, and sore wounded is brought to Craco, and six Scotsmen made prisoner by the King for pretended intelligence given to the enemy.
Holograph. Seal. 6½ pp. (121. 143.)
Lord Danvers to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 22. Not to impute the errors of my pen as any stain to the plainness of my meaning, which was and is directly to resign both my brother's pension and mine; beseeching you to persevere with no less real favour in conditioning the King's grant than Mr. Jones makes me see you have hitherto used, solely overcoming the opposition of many, and in respect of my suit rejecting great intercession; a proof sufficient to confirm the so much desired continuance of your protection.—Glocester, 22 July, 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (121. 147.)
Lord Eure to the Same.
1607, July 22. Pardon me that I made choice rather by letter to importune your lordship than by personal attendance to repair to you, fearing to trouble you in your serious affairs. My suit is that you will give directions for the speedy dispatch of my commission of lieutenancy for such shires as the late Lord President had, excepting those allotted to the Earl of Worcester, that the same commission may receive a joint dispatch with the commission of presidency.—Putney, 22 July, 1607.
Signed. Seal. ½ p. (121. 148.)
Lady Anne Brouncker to the Same.
1607, July 22. I wrote unto you a letter [to] which I was desirous to have had an answer, but as yet I have not heard of your lordship. I know your troubles and business of state are many and therefore I [am] unwilling either by my presence or letters [to] trouble you. I perceive to my great grief your lordship is no way favourable to me in my own regard, as I thoroughly perceived when I was at the Council-table. I fear me some viperous creature has wronged me to you. There is none living that ever rejoiced more of your happiness than I have done, and none more sorrowed the report of your dangerous sickness, for he whom I have lost did so much love and honour yourself and not your greatness, as the world does, as I thought I having merited no evil should have found some favour from you. It may be you think I dissemble my estate. My Lord, although I am poor, I am not a hypocritical beggar that will lie to King and Council. I may boldly crave commiseration from the King and your lordship, considering the honourable service he did to the King before he was King and since. My Lord of Northampton and your lordship told me how bountifully the King had rewarded him. Pardon me in saying, I do not know any man of quality that the King has bestowed his favour of that has had so little as Mr. Brouncker had. For the presidentship, give me leave, since it is made such a matter of gains, that except he will let the rebellious papists have their priests from Rome, and their idolatrous mass in every town, their pilgrimages, meetings, and consultations of conspiracies, and suffer the lords of the country and noblemen to do wrong to those under them, to keep them that they should know no other justice but their pleasure, that by their servitude they can make them rebels when they will; this did my unhappy husband reform, which his very enemies will justify his government. This will bring no money to his coffers, nor meat and bread to his table. He might, I confess, have been rich in that place, as little a while as he lived in it, if he had not regarded his duty to God and his Majesty. My sons may be good members for the commonwealth, and do the King faithful service. My poverty is such I cannot give them bringing-up, nor maintenance till my debts be paid, which will not be this three years; which if it were known to his Majesty, his royal pitiful heart would give me somewhat to relieve me, if you would afford me your favour when I renew my suit.—Chelsie, 22 July, 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (121. 149.)
The Lord Chamberlain, the Earl of Salisbury and Lord Stanhope to Lord St. John.
[1607, July 22]. The King is informed that, though he has often expressed a purpose to hunt the stag in those parts near St. John, the latter has suffered his servants and followers to kill the deer, with which the King is so ill pleased that he cannot but remain very sensible of it. They assume that no man will be more loth than St. John to offend the King; and pray him to write such a letter back that the King may no longer dwell in suspense of any coldness in him to give him contentment.— Undated.
Draft. Endorsed: "22 July, 1607. Copy from my Lord Chamberlain, the Earl of Salisbury and the Lord Stanhope to the Lord St. John." 2½ pp. (193. 127.)
Lord Wotton to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 23. The letter mentioned in that signed by my Lord Chamberlain and your lordship came not to my hands, so as I could not acquaint the King with any circumstances. If the letter be not lost it might be sent to me or some other to acquaint the King therewith.—From the Court, 23 July, 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (121. 150.)
Postal endorsement: "From Windesor at 9 of the clock. Stanes past xij."
Tobie Matthew to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 23. On my petition for enlargement, I perceive it stands not with his Majesty's nor the Council's pleasure that I should obtain it, but that if I shall sue for liberty to live out of the realm, the Council shall not find the request unreasonable. I make choice of the less inconvenience, for though I love my country I do not love a prison in it, especially since bodily restraint is like to be accompanied with want of comfort to the conscience. Therefore since my case is come to so ill an issue, I desire the liberty of withdrawing myself out of this realm till his Majesty license my return. I cannot despair but that it will be ere long, for I honour him, and love the state and the ministers thereof. I beg reasonable respite to settle my estate, which shall keep my honesty from being corrupted whilst I remain abroad.—From the Fleet, 23 July, 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (193. 127.)
Westminster Bill of Mortality.
1607, July 23. Certificate of deaths in Westminster for the week ending 23 July, 1607.
St. Margaret's v
St Martin's in the Fields iij
St. Clement Danes vj
Of the plague iij
Buried in all xiiij
Signed: Ra. Dobbinsonn. ½ p. (206. 43.)
The Earl of Dunbar to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1607], July 24. I send herewith the proclamation and the other letter, both signed by his Majesty. His Majesty this day has had a sore day's travail from morning till night ever in hunting of a stag, and late in the evening he was killed. This much I thought good to write to you of our hunting. But, my Lord, what fortune you have in the favour of your master and mistress, I leave it to you to judge, for I that will be ever your true friend cannot but advertise you, for to them both I have so promised. At their meeting I was standing by; they both told me to hear. The King says unto the Queen, "the Earl of Salisbury is a knave, for he has written unto me such a knave's letter that Dunbar has given me, as he never had." The Queen, very ready to give you a good word behind your back, answers, "I believe it well, sire, and I will tell your Majesty more that you know not. and I will abide by it, and prove it to be true. He is both a traitor and a thief, and I care not although Dunbar send him word that I have said it, for I will prove as much." I have answered for you as became your true friend that I was sure it should prove otherwise.
They both said what they had said was true. Now I leave it to your own wisdom to consider and either answer or inform me, your poor friend, what I shall say more than I have already spoken. Yet for all this you are earnestly desired to be here so soon as the great matters you have to do may permit you.— Weyndsor Castell, 24 July.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1607." 2 pp. (121. 151.)
Lord Lindores to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 24. Twelve months since the Lord of Roxbroughe, the Master of Orkeny, and myself (to release Sir Robert Steward, my brother-in-law, out of the Counter, where he lay in execution) confessed three several judgments of 1,600l. for Sir Robert Steward, for the payment of 890l. some 4 months after unto Goodall, a barber. The principal not being paid, it was my fortune to be arrested for the 1,600l., under which arrest I have remained this half year; which mine own creditors knowing and bearing that his Majesty would relieve me of this debt of Sir Robert Steward's, they have all entered their actions against me, and threatened to sue my sureties, saying it were no reason to pay another man's debt and leave mine own unsatisfied. I have followed his Majesty ever since his Highness was of the age of the Prince, continually resident with His Majesty, for I lay 14 years in his bedchamber, and I have spent as much of mine own in his service as any Scottishman that ever followed him. I confess that there are of them that have spent thrice as much as I had to spend, but they got it all from his Majesty. There is none of my countrymen that have had fairer promises from his Majesty, which was the cause I stayed here so long, ever hoping that he would have given me unsought. Although I have a wife and twelve children at home I have never been with them but 3 months since his Majesty came to this happy kingdom, and all the benefit that I have had from his Majesty was a pension that I sold for 800l. The house that I come of is like to perish in my absence for lack of a governor, for my father is aged 84 years, whose next heir is his grandchild of 7 years. There is nobody to execute his Majesty's service in his stead, he being sheriff of a shire by inheritance, which is next to the seat of justice. His Majesty willed me to give up a particular of all my debts, and his Highness would cause them to be paid, that I might get home to my country. The sum of mine own debts is 2,300l., yet I protest I have not given up by so much by 1,000l. as I owe, and when his Majesty has paid this 2,300l. of mine, yet I have spent 4,000l. of mine own more than I have gotten since I came into England. As for this debt of Sir Robert Steward's it is nothing to me, for I never received benefit by it, but sorrow, and therefore I never meant to put it in amongst my debts, because I shall never be the better for it.—From the sheriff's house in Holborne, 24 July, 1607.
Signed. 1 p. (121. 153.)
Lord St. John to the Privy Council.
1607, July 24. It has astonished me much to understand by your letters into what danger of his Majesty's disfavour I am unhappily fallen by an unjust information. First, that knowing his Highness's purpose to bestow some time in hunting the stag in those parts of Bedfordshire near to my house at Bletsoe, so soon as he may conveniently, I have not only failed to give his Majesty expected contentment in preserving mine own deer thereabouts, but showed no willingness to abstain from the killing of them. Secondly, that I have wittingly suffered my servants (especially one person whose ill behaviour I cannot be ignorant of) to hunt and kill the deer in other places (which other men, observing his Majesty's desire, labour to preserve). To answer these untrue suggestions I protest that neither have I at any time this year stirred, hunted, or killed, or caused to be killed or hunted, any one red deer of any sort, in Bedfordshire or elsewhere, neither have I consented to any man's hunting of them, but have given charge to my servants to will all my friends to forbear them. If other men have offended without my willingness, I hope it shall not be made my fault; and I desire to know which of my servants have offended herein, whose transgression being proved, I shall be as willing to have as severely punished as any man living. Be intercessors for me unto his Majesty not to admit any conceit of my willingness to hinder any of his pleasures, but a ready furtherer of the same to my uttermost means.—From Abbott's Ripton, 24 July, 1607.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (121. 154.)
Lord Eure to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 25. Give me leave to trouble you in a question which stays the dispatch of my commission for lieutenancy, viz. the special naming those deputy lieutenants formerly by the Lord Zouche nominated; wherein I pray liberty to make choice of the lieutenants, such as may be serviceable to the King, acceptable to you, and pleasing to the country.—Putney, 25 July, 1607.
Signed. Seal. ½ p. (121. 155.)
The Archbishop of Cashel to the Same.
1607, July 25. The Lord Deputy has sought such advantage against me, as to appoint special commissioners in my diocese, in my absence, with strait and unusual points and articles to be inquired of against me, whereby mine adversaries are encouraged to frame new articles and slanderous accusations against me; and his lordship, being, as it should seem, not favourable in any matter that concerned myself in private or the place I hold in general, though I do not know why or wherefore. I dare not return to Ireland, where he may do what please him, without special direction from his Majesty or your Honour and the rest of the Privy Council to his lordship, that I be not so straitly dealt with. For anything past concerning the church livings, who are yet without order handled in the most parts of Ireland, but all things hitherto being forgotten and forgiven, I am content to lose all the livings I have if any fault be found hereafter in my behalf concerning church livings. Hitherunto I had indeed but a large consideration concerning them because the livings were very poor by means of the wars, and very few ministers worthy to be found to accept them, and a great part of the church livings usurped by the seminaries and Romish priests, and myself in great want by mine imprisonment by the rebels; whereby I took what I could reach unto, being thus had more with a strong hand than with any obedience. What thus I received is spent in his Majesty's service, and now I have no other means to move you to procure my pardon in all matters hitherto but my service these 37 years past. But if you shall not procure this favour for me, I must needs return to the Court, and so be tedious to you, and peradventure to his Majesty. In this new visitation, as well the English ministers as the Irish preacher, able to preach in English, Irish and Latin, are everyone deprived, the commissioners showing them why or for what cause, but presently sequestering their living, being a round number.
Therefore, I do not see security for myself where the common course of law be not observed in such proceedings, and myself shotted at only in the whole land. Amongst them that were so deprived are some English and Irish scholars brought up in Oxford, some others in the New College, and some that held their livings 20, 30, or 50 years, and some others whom the last Lord President and myself received to reformation, according to his Majesty's proclamation, upon whom I bestowed some small livings, both to encourage themselves and others by their example to embrace our profession.
You may know further through the bearer, my son, who was there present at that visitation time, what the country in general conceives and expects by this manner of proceedings.—Bristoll, 25 July, 1607.
Signed. Seal. 1½ pp. (121. 156.)
The Archbishop of Cashel to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 25. To the same effect as the preceding.—Bristoll, 25 July, 1607.
Signed. Seal. 1½ pp. (121. 157.)
[The two letters although to the same purport and of the same date are not identical in terms and are in different handwritings.]
Cavaliere Pagliarini to Sir Thomas Sherley.
1607, July 25/Aug. 4. I write with all secrecy to let you know that affairs are getting worse and worse between the Pope and the Venetians, and to assure you that as soon as the Nuncio here resident returns, a Bull of Pius V will be published Contra illos impedientes executionem sacrœ Inquisitionis ut ipso facto sine alia declaratione sint excommunicati. The Pope wishes to proceed against certain friars such as Fra Paolo [Sarpi] who have written contra auctoritatem Pontificis: the Prince and this Republic are unwilling, indeed they have taken them under their protection and given them an annual income of 300 or 400 scudi. The relationship between the Prince of Florence and the Queen of Spain's sister is confirmed. It is not certainly known where the Grand Duke's fleet (armata) is, and I fancy the Cyprus expedition will end in smoke. On the 4th of last month Don Antonio [Sir Anthony Sherley] arrived at Naples where he took possession in the Council, neither will he yet confess that he has had the order (habito) of Santiago, and he has not written to me. They say that the latter will come to Ferrara and thence to the Emperor.— Venice, 4 August, 1607.
Holograph. Italian. 1 p. (121. 167.)
Sir William Pelham to the Earl of Rutland at Nottingham.
[1607], July 26. There was brought unto me this morning a copy of a libel by the minister of Castor, which libel was as he says cast into the choir of the parish church there yesternight at evening prayer. The original was presently carried by Sir Raphe Madison to Sir Tho: Grantham's, who I assure myself will either send it your Honour or return it hither. Though libels be common in these days and import small matter but the idle brains of vain people, yet this being extraordinary seditious, I thought it fit to acquaint you withal. I have taken order with the minister and some of the discreetest of that parish to learn out the author if it be possible.—"Brocklesbee this Sundaie morning being the 26 of Julie." (fn. 1)
Holograph. Endorsed: "26 July, 1605 [sic]." ½ p. (111. 138.)
The Countess of Pembroke to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 27. For the wardship of the son of Sir John Gennings, which she is informed is very like to be in his gift, if it be not already.—Ditchlye, 27 July, 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (122. 43.)
Sir Roger Aston to the Same.
[1607], ? July 27. After your departing I moved his Majesty to sign these warrants enclosed, but he refused to do it, and was angry that I had not told him of it before your departing, and thereupon commanded me to send them to you to consider what is fitting to be done if my Lord of Fenton's books be stayed. All that is passed by him is nothing, for he is bound to pass them with the words of this warrant, and upon bargain and sale has received great sums of money. It will greatly "progage" him if his book pass not. I have agreed with him for my book, and he has given me sufficient sureties to pay me at Whitsuntide next. If there be not a restraint for some time till our books be passed, all that is done will serve to no purpose, for I am bound to pass mine as my Lord does his. The time of restraint that my Lord desired was till the end of Michaelmas term.—Windsor, Monday.
PS.—His Majesty will sign these warrants if you think fitting.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1607." 1 p. (123. 154.)
Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 27. It may please you to receive herewith such things signed as concern his Majesty's service, and that for the discharge of your fee farm rents, all which his Highness signed yesternight. At the same time he gave me orders for letters to the French King by Roben Dowglas, the Prince's servant, who goes with horses to the French King; and concerning his allowance, commanded me to write to you that you should speak with my Lord of Worcester about it, and that his own opinion was that he might have like as Powell that carried horses to the Archduke; which if my Lord of Worcester thinks fit, and will signify hither what the allowance was, there shall be warrant made for it, or the warrant may be made by Sir John Wood there and sent hither; for Dowglas hastes to be gone. The like direction I have received for sending Sergeant Boy, sergeant of the cellar, into France for provisions of wines, and he is to have letters to his Majesty's Ambassador and M. de Vitry, and to the French Ambassador here.—The Court at Windsor, 27 July, 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (193. 129.)
John Stonor to the Same.
1607, July 28. It may please you to understand of the difference between me and my eldest and only brother. Sir Francis Stonor who at my last departure out of England showed himself so straitlaced towards me that by the mean allowance he offered me I was not able either presently or hereafter to maintain myself with meat and poor apparel. My friends acquainted me with two several annuities which were passed over by my brother unto my use according to form of law of 10l. and 40l. to be paid yearly during my life, taking course from the death of my mother, the Lady Cecily Stonor who is deceased 15 years past. Both which annuities and arrearages he will not pay or perform, but only offers me the sum of 20l. a year for my maintenance; which I have refused, as being no competent sum. This, therefore, being the substance of my petition, I crave your favour that the plausible suggestions which my brother may haply propose to you for discrediting of my complaint may make no impression in your mind, to the prejudice of my cause, until you have heard my friends speak in my behalf.—Bruxelles, 28 July, 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (121. 158.)
The Earl of Rutland to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 28. I have thus long forborne writing because after the judges were past a guess might be made at the humour of our Country. All that yet has sprung I here send you as it came to me. There is folly and spite in it, and no good meaning to those named in the latter end, but my hope is such an humour as this shall condemn no man. How hard such things as these are to be found out you well know, yet will we do our best to find it; and in whatsoever else shall here happen for his Majesty's service, I will give you an honest account, or bury my bones.— Nottingham, 28 July, 1607.
Holograph. ½ p. (121. 159.)
Sir Francis Kerney to the Same.
1607, July 28. When I departed out of England I gave my uncle and his son 5500l. which I was to receive for land, but since my departure I have been molested by caterpillars to whom I stood bound for other men that are better able to pay than myself. Therefore I crave you would deign to defend my poor and innocent kinsmen, who demand nothing but what my soul knows is their due.—From Rouen, 28 July, 1607.
Signed. Seal. ½ p. (121. 160.)
The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Same.
1607, July 28. I received these papers this morning, which came yesternight to the parties to whom they were directed. It seems he is a gentleman of good parts that sent them, and would be glad to be employed. The news is strange, and not to be neglected; but I refer it to your judgment. I have sent you his Greek problems, englished. When you write your mind to me concerning him, I will frame myself accordingly. If he be constant, he means to remain at Marpurgh, not far from Franckfurt ad Maenum, till he hear from me. Mr. Lancaster says he became first acquainted with him in the Inner Temple, where he was a student.—Lambeth, 28 July 1607.
PS.—What Spain and the Pope could never do by force sub nomine pacis they mean to do by treachery as it may be feared, whilst under that pretence greater access of turbulent spirits is to be admitted than otherwise would be. God turn all to the best.
Signed. The postscript being in the Archbishop's handwriting. 1 p. (193. 130.)
Sir Henry Townshend to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1607], July 29. I thought good to send the letter enclosed to you, which I received at this instant, referring the contents to your pleasure. I beseech you to make it known to the now Lord President that your lordship respects and knows me. I am bold to remember for assisting to me for the service of this cause Mr. Justice Wallmsley, Sir Richard Lewkener, Sir Cuthbert Pepper, Serjeant Harris the younger, or any of them. Which I leave to your consideration, all within two days' journey, as I take it.—29 July.
PS.—I hope you will remember that I be not disgraced or damnified by [thus improving to be renewed ?], and that my fee, which at the first was 100l., now abated to 100 marks, may be renewed to 100l., the rather for that I am the ancientest councillor here, and the 4d. by me first devised has taken a way to Sir Fowke Grevile, (fn. 2) and we must take pains for his gain.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1607." 1 p. (121. 161.)
The Same to the Same.
[1607], July 29. On July 21, Lord Derby directed him to hear on July 25 the cause between John Kellie and others against Sir John Egerton, touching the manor of Beiston. As the matter is of great weight, and has passed through the hands of the gravest judges of the land, he forbore to hear it so suddenly, desiring some assistance; and Egerton excepted against the shortness of time, making oath that he had not his books, and that his counsel were forth of the country. Upon Lord Derby's allowance he has therefore appointed the heating for August 21, when he will go to Chester. Possession is the only mark the parties aim at which has been for 11 years in Egerton. Knowing how great a patron Salisbury is of Lord Derby and his estate, Townshend begs him to be a means for some assistance of worth and judgment to hear the cause; also that he will advise what is most fitting.—Ludlow, 29 July.
Signed. Endorsed: "1607." 2 pp. (193. 131.)
The Enclosure:
Sir John Egerton to Sir Henry Towneshend.—Details legal proceedings taken against him during the last 11 or 12 years with regard to Bydson [manor of Beiston]; and complains of Lord Derby's working in favour of his adversary. Townshend has appointed the cause to be heard on 21 August; but it is almost impossible for him to get counsel so far off and prepare the case by then; but he will do what he can. It is given out that Derby will come to the hearing, or procure Justice Walmesley to be there. He excepts against this, as Walmesley has been against him in the matter. Begs for convenient time and fitting counsel, for there is not one that has been acquainted with the cause that he can procure for gold.—27 July, 1607.
Holograph. 1½ pp. (193. 128.)
Lord St. John to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 29. Offers services to his lordship "in whom consisteth my especial hope of removing his Majesty's hard conceit towards me upon the late false insinuation of some unknown adversary, which so much the more afflicteth me as it is undeserved, neither yet do I conceive any ground for the same; except the imputation of Sir James Wingfield his late hunting and killing of a stag without my privity be by report to his Majesty made to be my transgression." He had no knowledge thereof till he had returned his answer to his lordship: nor could he have restrained Sir James: the charge of those deer being committed by the King to Sir Thomas Tyrringham, a former secret endeavourer to destroy them.—Abbotts Ripton, 29 July, 1607.
Signed. 1 p. (206. 44.)
Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Same.
1607, July 29. The Audiencer since his departure hence has only advertised how well he has been received in Holland. Now they here expect either his return or to hear from him if the States shall not mislike of his staying there, what order they will take for the revocation of their fleet from the coast of Spain and for appointing the time and place to proceed in the treaty of peace. For this President Ricardott is already designed and the Count of Aremberg is the most spoken of for his quality in that commission. They are very jealous to be traversed by the dealings of England and especially of France, interpreting that to that end the 20,000 crowns lately sent out of France into Holland are employed. Ricardott made little reply to the information given in Salisbury's last letters to Edmondes of what passed in the States' audience with his Majesty. He was sorry to hear of the discontentment bred to English subjects by the little satisfaction given in Spain to their complaints. The amity between the two states needed fortifying.
Don Diego d'Ibarra still delays his departure in expectation of the return of his couriers out of Spain. It is given out Centurion the banker is contracting anew in Spain for furnishing great sums of money for these parts but such reports now carry very little credit. To make amends to the Count of Bossu for the reforming of his regiment the government of Betune is bestowed on him, the former governor Don Philippe Robles being deprived for having in foul manner killed a gentleman at the Courtgate here, which would have cost him dearer if he had not escaped.
The rector of the Jesuits College of this town and Ricardott sent from the Archduke have lately visited Edmondes to entreat him to be a suitor to his Majesty for pardoning and setting at liberty one Wright, an English Jesuit, lately taken in England. They pretend he is not touched with any practice against the State and favour for him is desired for his great learning and particularly for that he is chaplain or confessor to the Archduke Ferdinand of Gratz. brother of the Queen of Spain. If his Majesty will give them therein a further proof of his mercy, it will be very kindly received by the Archduke.
Understands that direction is given to make a choice of the sufficientest English Jesuits out of the College in Spain to send into England to regain to them the dependency of [the] chief Catholic families of England, because they find many are fallen from them to the priests since the late gunpowder treason.
Two English gentlemen, Brooke and Sparre, have of late put themselves into the noviciate of the English Jesuits at Lovaine. Sends an extract of the last advertisements out of Germany.— Bruxelles, 29 July, 1607.
Copy. 2¼ pp. (227. 283.)
[Original in P.R.O. State Papers Foreign, Flanders, 8.]
Sir Henry Montagu. Recorder of London, to Levinus Munck.
1607, July 30. Let me be beholden to you to procure this to be dispatched. I have sent you the copy of Sir Francis Bacon's and a draft for my own patent, which is agreeing with the other, mutatis mutandis, only the clause of dispensation added, which is according to the King's letter which his Majesty sent to the city,—Temple, 30 July, 1607.
Holograph. ½ p. (121. 162.)
Tibbot Gorges to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, July 31/August 10. He ran the risk of the hot weather rather than lose the advantage of the company of "Mr. Bodeker, gentilhomme Allemand," one of the most experienced travellers of the day. They left Paris on June 10, and, travelling by Marseilles and Genoa, arrived on July 15 at Florence. There he stayed some time, finding the place very convenient for the language and other exercises. The Cyprus fleet of the Grand Duke returned to Livorne on the first instant without having done anything, for the soldiers on approaching the town of Famagusta found the walls so raised and the garrison so increased that their ladders and other engines were of no use. They made a slight assault, but being without their largest ships, which by mischance or bad management were absent, they retired. The Prince of this country will marry the sister of Ferdinand, Archduke of Grats, in which business Don Verginio, Duke de Bracciano, will be employed, and will conduct her here; but the latter being ill of the gout the time of the marriage is still uncertain.—Florence, 10 August, 1607, stilo novo.
Holograph. French. 1 p. (127. 128.)
Viscount Fenton and Sir Roger Ashton.
1607, July. Warrant to the Lord Chancellor to expedite the passing of certain grants to Lord Viscount Fenton and Sir Roger Ashton respectively.—Dated July, in the fifth year of the King's reign.
Copy. 1 p. (197. 140.)
Edmund Skory to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, [July]. For letter of recommendation to the Duke of Bolloigne.—Endorsed: "1607."
1 p. (P. 788.)
[Cf. Cal. S.P.Dom. 1603—1610, p. 363.]

Footnotes

  • 1. In 1605 July 26th fell on a Friday.
  • 2. On 17 July, 1607, Sir Fulke Greville received a grant of 4d. on every affidavit taken before the Council of the Marches of Wales. (Cal. S.P.Dom., 1603–1610, p. 364.)