Cecil Papers: June 1596, 16-30 | British History Online

Pages 216-239

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 6, 1596. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1895.

Citation:

June 1596, 16–30



	Samuel Coke[burne] to Archibald Douglas.
1596, June 17.	Has abstained so long from writing in hope to be able to write good news, but “the iniquity of time, the busy dealing of base minded knaves, with the little help of such whom commonly men calls friends, has done great harm.” To be plain, “your greatest enemy has been Mr. Bowes, with the concurrence of Mr. Johne Colum and the advertisements of your ligier, Mr. Foullis. Yet all this could not have prevailed if Sir George Houme had not openly interponit his credit to their assistance in your contrare; for so it goes here that where Sir George declares himself either a friend or an enemy there is none to stand to the contrare, so that force has constrained to seek him and either to make our friend or else to despair for the present. There was many things also that hindered this; and chiefly the matter of Spott and the unkindness betwixt him and your two nephews. I had brought the one so far to pass by my brother, to whom I have made many fair promises and has found him very honest therein, that Sir George and I should enter in the matter of Spott; yet because your matters went so hardly and prolonging of time was hurtful, it was thought meet that Sir George and your nephews should be reconciled, and enter in friendship first, and thereafter all things might be done the better, as we hoped to our contentment Sir George was well content to the agreement, the time being appointed, the King's hasty departure forced Sir George his departure also, so that we are forced to bide time and other folk's leisure howbeit to o . . . Sir George is come to town this day and I look for a meeting . . . . these two days, which I hope shall be a good beginning.” Promises to be very diligent in his behalf.—Edinburgh, 17 June 1596.
	The second page, with the signature, slightly mutilated.
	Addressed :—“My good lord, Mr. Archibald Douglas, one of his Majesty's Council.”
	Endorsed in a later hand :—Samuel Cockburn.
	Holograph. 2 pp. (41. 52.)
	The Expedition against Cadiz.
[1596, before June 18.]	“Instructions for Capt. Alexander Clifford.”
	Is authorised to take into his charge the ships following, viz., Vanguard, Rainbow, Alcedo, Centaur, and Daisy, the ships assigned him by the Admiral of the Low Countries, and the two Generals' bigger hoys. With all these to bear along the shore, as soon as the fleet comes thwart Rota, and come to an anchor as near the mouth of St. Mary Port as convenient. If he finds the galleys within the port he shall endeavour to keep them from coming forth. If he finds them at sea or in the Bay of Calez, shall do his best to chase them into St. Mary Port, or at least to keep them from troubling the disembarking of the army, or from attempting anything upon any part of the fleet. If he finds no galleys in St. Mary Port and sees none at sea, shall come to an anchor with the said ships north of that part of the fleet where the Due Repulse is admiral, to be ready to cover the weakest ships from any galleys that may come into the bay of Calez.
	Endorsed by Essex :—“Instructions for Capt. A. Clifford to go before St. Mary Porte.”
	1 p. (31. 63.)
	Thomas [Bilson,] Bishop of Worcester, to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 18.	His consecration ended, would have waited upon Cecil to ask his assistance in the doing of his homage to the Queen, but is told that he must not appear in Court until he has done his homage. Learns from the Archbishop of Canterbury, and, through friends, from Lord Buckhurst and Lady Warwick, “that there is a secret suggestion made in the ears of great personages how rich I found, how poor I leave the college which I forego,” this privy whispering tending to incense the Queen against him and to dishonour Cecil and the others who have preferred him. To confute it sends a true statement to be shown to the Queen.—London, 18 June, 1596.
	Signed :—Tho. Wigorn. 1 p.
	Enclosed in the preceding :—
	“The treasure of the college of Winchester the first audit that ever was made before me, anno 1581.” The total is 1,683l. 4s. 2d. Below this is the treasure in 1595 “in which I leave it,” 2,441l. 6s. 7d. Has made no woodsales nor touched plate nor moveables. Three law suits, Fanston for Townton parsonage, Corham for Woodmancote manor, and Cheverell for Chalmington manor, and other law matters have cost over 1,000l. Leaves 20 leases which he might have let, and has increased the commons of the scholars by 100 mks. a year. “The continual dearths that have been of late years have raised the price of their victuals to almost the double the value they were at my first coming.”
	Signed :—Tho. Bilson.
	1 p. (41. 77–78.)
	Sir John Fortescue to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 18.	“Mine infirmity, since your departure yesternight, making a recourse, hath given occasion to my physicians” to prescribe a diet and keep me from the air 14 days. It is great distress to me to be kept from the Queen's presence, and I will if she desire it venture any danger.—The Wardrobe, 18 June 1596.
1596, June 18.	Endorsed by Cecil. Holograph. 1 p. (41. 79.)
	Recusants.
1596, June 18.	Petition of Samuel Loane to Lord Burghley. He and others remaining at Ely for recusancy, were sent to several places out of their own countries, he being sent to his brother-in-law's, Mr. Scroggs in Bedfordshire. All the rest have been permitted to go to their own houses. Prays leave to go to his house at Sevenock.
	Endorsed :—18 June 1596.
	Note by Lord Buryhley :—“Such causes are to be dealt in by my L. G. of Canterbury.”
	1½ pp.
	Wardships.
1596, June 19.	A list of “bills to be signed by her Majesty, which were passed in the time of Mr. Bossevile, late clerk of the Court of Wards.” Opposite each item is a sum of money (sums up to 20l.) and over these sums the word “exhibic;” thus, “Henry, Earl of Huntingdon for the wardship of Thomas Waterton, 6l. 13s. 4d.”
	The wards are :—Thomas Waterton, Gervase Cliston, Thomas Dunscombe, John Williamson, John Mallet, John Alderiche, William Redshawe, Chr. Danby, Giles Mompesson, Eliz. Olmested, Walter Rigmayden, Chr. Maltby, the co heirs of Somer, Thomas Rowe, Robert Bertlett, Robert Bogas, Edward Tildesley, Thomas Brigges, Sarah Tyser, “John Cheny for his own wardship, 20l.,” Richard Hansharde (marriage), Nicholas Stevenson, John Gascoigne, Henry Freare, Robert Barnardiston, Richard Smithe, Mary Rookeley, Marmaduke Bowes, Richard Clarvaulx, Richard Smithe, John Woolriche, Richard Stevenson, Edward Burton, and Deborah Harlakynden. Signed by Lord Burghley.
	Endorsed :—“19 June 1596, a brief of divers bills,” &c.
	1 p. (41. 80.)
	Sir Richard Barkeley to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 19.	Thanks for continual favour. Had, a fortnight since, a man sick in his house of the “small pocks” whereupon he removed with his family to the country and, as no more have been sick, trusts the danger is past. Asks advice whether he may presume to come to Court next week.—Layton, 19 June.
1596, June 19.	Endorsed :—“1596.” Holograph. 1 p. (41. 81.)
	Sir George Beeston.
1596, June 20.	Draft petition to the Queen of George Beeston, who has been one of the “gentlemen pensioners” since “the first erection thereof” and has had charge of the blockhouse at Gravesend; that, being over 85 years of age and unfit for these duties, he may resign them and have a recompense, for his living and payment of his debts.
	Endorsed :—“20 Junii 1596. Sir Geo. Beeston.”
	1 p. (41. 82.)
	Roger Fullshawe to the Privy Council.
1596, June 20.	Complains of oppressions received from the Earl of Lincoln, including imprisonment in the Earl's house.
	Note by J. Herbert :—“That the courses taken by the Earl are diverse and strange, and seem worthy of reformation.”
	1½ pp. (141. 173.)
	John Budden to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 20.	Hears that Richard Collyer, who holds the great farm of Pyddle, of the College of Winton, is about to surrender his term and take a new estate of the old warden and scholars. The matter is of very good value, and the only farm the College has in Dorset. Thanks him for his favour with regard to Turbervile's ward. Of Stoughton's proceedings in the matter. Desires to know Lord [Burghley's] pleasure therein.
	Endorsed :—“20 June, 1596.” (2348a.)
	1 p.
	A Suspicious Character.
1596, June 22.	Report of Joseph Maye, of Exeter, that the 9th or 10th inst. beyond Aishburton, he met a little man of swart complexion, wearing a black doublet of uncut velvet and sea-green velvet hose, riding a very good grey gelding. Who told him that he was going towards London along the coast; also of a plot to take the new fort at Plymouth and hold it against all England, and of another plot to sack Totness. He commended the Cardinal's liberality in France and railed against the Queen and lord Treasurer, and told Maye that “if he would travel with him to London he would bear his charge,” and showed good store of gold.
	Maye is to be heard of at Mr. Fleure's lodging at Duresme House.
	In the hand of Sir Robert Cecil's clerk, and endorsed by him :—“22 June 1596. Concerning a dangerous person which he met near Aishburton.”
	1 p. (41. 84.)
	Thomas Fitzherbert.
1596, June 22.	Petition to Lord Burghley.
	Imprisoned for debt. Begs to be restored to the possession of his tenements in Hampstall Ridware, Stafford, taken from him by Thomas Pigott, till the hearing of the cause between them. Endorsed :—22 June 1596.
	Note by Lord Burghley that the matter is fit to be moved in the Court.
	1 p. (620.)
	The Bailiffs and Townsmen of Great Yarmouth to Lord Burghley.
1596, June 22.	For 20 pieces of ordnance, culverins and demiculverins, and shot, requisite for the defence of the town, especially in these dangerous times of foreign hostility, in accordance with their former petition.—Endorsed :—“22 June 1596.”
	Note signed by Lord Burghley, “To be answered by the parties whether they mean to pay for them or no, for her Majesty hath none in store.”
	1 p. (2021.)
	Ernest, Duke of Brunswick to Lord Burghley.
1596, June 22/July 2.	In favour of the brothers William, Henry and Francis Lubing, in whose cause nothing has been done in spite of the Queen's promises to himself and Duke Frederick his brother. If they cannot obtain restitution hopes at least the Queen will allow them to export various merchandise free of custom. Has empowered Peter ab Heile to prosecute this matter and prays credence for him in this and all other affairs relating to the Duke's subjects.—2 July, 1596.
1596, June 22/July 2.	Latin. Copy. 2½ pp. (42. 1.)
	Jo. Bennett to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 23.	Thanks for favour in his late suit. Finding more “dis-contentments” here than he could imagine, asks to be removed elsewhere and to some further advancement. Credence for the bearer Mr. Hammond, his ancient and good friend.—Windsor Castle, 23 June, '96.
1596, June 23.	Holograph. 1 p. (41. 85.)
	Henry Dobby and other copyholders of Claxbie, Lincoln, to [? Lord Burghley.]
1596, June 23.	Detail proceedings taken by them against Robert Thorpe, Richard Johnson and others, for pulling down their tenements, expelling them, spoiling the township, and other misdemeanours. Pray that the cause may be heard this term.
	Notes by Lord Burghley and T. Fanshaw.—“23 June, 1596.”
	1 p. (1636.)
	Sir John Forster to Lord Burghley.
1596, June 24.	The news in Scotland is that on Monday last, 21 June, “was ane secret meeting amongst certain of the noble men of Scotland, which was kept at a little market town called Lanerik within my lord Hameltone's jurisdiction.” Their names were lords Hameltone, Maxwell and Harreis, and the lairds of Dounelanericke and Bowckclough. The laird of Dunlanerick has undertaken to agree the “great variance” between Sir Robert Carr and the laird of Bowckclough. This meeting is thought to be against the laird of Johnstoune and his friends.—Newcastle, 24 (?) June.
1596, June 24.	Signed. 1 p. (41. 83.)
	P., Lord Dunsany to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 24.	Upon his suit for a pension of 400l. out of the Exchequer in consideration of the death of his brother, slaughter of his kindred and waste of his whole patrimony, and also in respect of his long service, and that the pay of any twenty horse in Ireland grows to that sum, her Majesty granted him 200l. pension. This was signified to him twenty days ago by his friend John Stanhope, and they forthwith imparted it to Sir John Fortescue, that he might direct the attorney to draw the patent; which he very willingly promised, but forgot it when he went to Court, “I being not able to follow him.” He then falling sick and being now “entered into a new diet,” the matter is so delayed that the Queen may forgot it. Begs Cecil to signify the Queen's gracious pleasure to the attorney.
	Signed.
	Endorsed :—“24 June, 1596.” 1 p. (41. 86.)
	The Scotch Borders.
1596, June 24.	Licence to bearer, Christes Thom alias Thomas Armestronge, of Highsteadeshe, now dwelling in the Middle March, who, “in recompense of his fault committed in the said march,” has promised to do the Queen service, to go into Scotland and speak with such Scottish men as shall be fit for the furtherance of the said service.—24 June, 38 Eliz. '96.
1596, June 24.	Signed and sealed by Ralph, lord Eure, Warden of the Middle Marches. 1 p. (41. 87.)
	— to Mons. de la Fontaine.
1596, June 24./July 4.	Nous avons change d'advis, car nous avons resolu d'envoier M. de Bouillon afin de n'en faire à deux fois, comme il eust fallu faire si nous eussions depesché Mons. de Reau avec la ratification de nostre traité. Car il eust fallu en envoier ung aultre pour en jurer l'observation. Or mon dit Sieur de Bouillon fera tout cela, et si pourra apres passer en Holande, si la Roine le trouve bon, pour convier ces messieurs a estre de la partie. Car il ne fault plus perdre de temps, et Dieu vueille que Mons. le Comte d'Essex emploie bien le sien. Sa Majesté partira demain pour aller a Amiens, dou mon dit Sieur de Bouillon sera depesché. Cependant le Roy pourra desrober quelques jours pour donner ordre a sa santé qui a besoing de ce petit repos apres ung si long travail.—Abbeville, le 4^e de Juillet.
1596, June 24./July 4.	Endorsed :—“1596. Abstracts of certain French letters to Mons. Fontaine.” Copy. ⅓ p. (42. 7.)
	Thomas [Bilson,] Bishop of Worcester, to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 25.	The fellows of Winchester College, immediately upon his consecration, moved him to resign the wardenship, saying that the place could not be void except by cession or resignation. Replied that he might not resign without the Queen's knowledge. Said this lest they should proceed to an election and prevent the Queen's prerogative. Since then, Mr. Cotton has been to the college with the Queen's grant to require admission to that place, and was told by the fellows that the place was not yet void. Knows not whether by the consecration the place is void or not, but Dr. White, after he was bishop of Lincoln, let leases and kept the election of scholars in Winchester College, and Dr. Yonge was a long time both bishop and warden of New College in Oxford. If he resign, the fellows of Oxford College, unless forbidden by the Queen, will elect another warden. Witholds his resignation therefore, to save the Queen's prerogative. When the time comes for him to go towards Worcester, he must needs resign or incur “perjury” for absenting himself above eight weeks. As the “election of scholars into either college” is now at hand, if Mr. Cotton be not first settled, there will be great confusion.—London, 25 June.
	Signed. 2 pp.
	Endorsed :—1596. (41. 88.)
	K., Lady Howard to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 25.	“Good S^r Robard, thys nyght I receved a leter from my lord wher you have a leter, it comes by a strang menes to me I wyll send you my frence leter; and I pray you, if you send to my lord, let me know; I wold be glad to send to hym. Thys from Rygat a Fryday nyght. Yours to command K. Howard.
	“Ther is nothynge in my leter but to let me know he is well and all hys company, i wold have sent it you if ther had byn any thyng.”
	Holograph.
	Endorsed :—25 June, 1596. (41. 89.)
	[Duc de Bouillon] to Mons. de la Fontaine.
1596, June 26./July 6.	Vous verrez par la depesche du Roy la resolution qu'il a prise de me renvoier. Je me prepare pour partir au plustost cuidant que je ne le pourray que dans le 20 ou 25^e de ce mois et que ce qui reculera le plus mon partement sera le default d'argent. Cependant je desirerois que vous me donnassiez advis qui l'on se delibere d'envoier dedeça pour jurer la ligue et que vous fissiez en sorte qu'on pourveust a tenir des navires prestz sur la coste pour me venir prendre a Dieppe, et que pour cest effect le Vice-Admiral receust commandement de se tenir prest pour s'y rendre au premier advis que je luy en donneray. Je n'escri poinct a la Roine ni a personne de dela pour l'incertitude ou je suis du jour que j'auray largent pour faire mon voyage; vous priant qu'au plustost jaie de vos nouvelles.—Du 6^e de Juillet, a Abbeville.
	Endorsed :—“1596. Abstracts of certain French letters to Mons. Fontaine.”
	Copy. ⅓ p. (42. 7.)
	Arthur Ashbie to the Queen.
1596, June 25.	Prays for a lease in reversion, to the tenant, of the Rectory of Patrington, Yorks, for his services as yeoman of the woodyard.
	Note by Lord Burghley on the case.
	Note by Gregory Lovell and others certifying to petitioner's services.
	Note by J. Herbert that the Queen grants the petition.—Court at Greenwich, 25 June, 1596.
	2 pp.
	Defence of Norfolk.
1596, June 26.	A certificate of the defensible state of the county of Norfolk, made “in humble answer unto your Lordship's letters and directions dated the 7 of June 1596.” The writers have spent 12 days in viewing the sea coast, and find the road of Yarmouth and the islands of Flegge and Lathinglande to be most in danger. As Yarmouth town must be fortified by strength of men the companies raised in the hundreds near are to be ready to march to its assistance. Have heard of none who would remove their dwellings from the maritime parts. Whereas the first part of the Council's letter sent them by his lordship, seems to assume that the trained bands are efficiently furnished, “the companies are not as yet complete or furnished neither trained to any serviceable purpose.” The reason is that the country is very large and the companies too great, so that the men spend a day in marching to the place of training and another in returning home, and the whole time appointed for their instruction is spent in calling the muster roll and “reviewing the furniture.” A company of 400 to 600 men is too great for one captain, with lieutenant, ensign, and two or three serjeants. His lordship's directions in 1588 were that only 2,000 men should be trained and the rest merely enrolled; they have since then, however, persuaded the country to furnish the whole 4,000 with corselets, muskets and calevers, but “many furnitures” are by the Queen's directions sent into foreign parts, so that at least 1,000 are wanting. Have, on consultation with the justices, set down a project for the distribution of the trained bands into ordinary companies, which project they have, by reason of his Lordship's letters of 20 June, forborne to put in execution till they learn his further pleasure.
	Signed :—Arthur Hevyngham : John Peyton.
	II. A tabulated “certificate of all the trained bands in the county of Norfolk mustered and reviewed by Captain Worlocke, appointed muster master there by their honors 2 Junii 1596.”
	The hundreds arranged in groups of from 3 to 6 under captains, Sir Henry Woodhouse, Sir Chr. Heydon, Sir Philip Woodhouse, Henry Gawdie, Bassingborne Gawdie, Martin Barney, Clement Spilman, and Thos. Thursbie, with the numbers of officers under each captain, and of corslets, muskets, callivers and holbarts in each hundred, the total numbers being :—men 4000, corslets 1395, muskets 794, callivers 1421, holbarts 59.
	III. A tabulated scheme, headed 1596, 26 June, giving a new distribution in single hundreds, with the captains proposed for each, “most of them being in all respects more sufficient and able for her Majesty's service than the greater part of the former appointed captains.” It contains an estimate of soldiers (in all 4,010), powder, match, bullets, “pioners” and carts, each 100 men to have 40 corslets, 30 muskets and 30 “caleevers” distributed among them. Hundreds and captains are as follows :—1. Eastfleg and Happing, Sir Henry Woodhouse; 2. Tunsteede, Sir William Paston; 3. Westfleg and Walsham, Thomas Cleere; 4. Blofielde and Taverham, Thomas Corbet; 5. Loddon, Henry Gaudy; 6. Claveringe, Edmund Everard; 7. Earsham, Humphrey Cuppledick; 8. Henstede and Humbleyard, Gilbert Havers; 9. Fowerhoe, Philip Woodhouse; 10. Depwade, Henry Clare; 11. Einsforde, Anthony Brovne; 12. Disse and Giltcrosse and Thetford town, Bassing-burne Gaudy; 13. Waylande, Thomas Bradbury; 14. Shropham, Thomas Lovell. These companies to repair to Yarmouth “upon any intelligence of the enemy's approach.”
	15. Mitford, William Barow; 16. North Greneho, James Calthrop; 17. South Erpingham, Chr. Heydon; 18. North Erpingham, Martin Barny; 19. Galow and Brothercross, Thomas Fermer; 20. Holte, Isaac Ashly; 21. Smithdon, Roger le Straung; 22. Launditch, Thomas Steward; 23. South Grenehoe and Grimeshoe, Clement Spilman; 24. Clackclose, Gregory Prat; 25. Frebridge citra Lin, Wimond Cary or Thomas Winde, Frebridge in Marsland, John Keppes. These to repair to Waburne.
	Names of the captains of the horsebands, with the numbers of light-horse (40 or 50) and of “petronelles” (30 or 40) under each, viz. :—Fermin Dennye, Thomas Barnie, Henry Tounsend, Thomas Grosse, and Edward Brampton, appointed to defend the coast from Yarmouth to Cromer; Thomas Curson and Thomas Hewer, to defend the maritime parts from Cromer to Hunstanton.
	A tabulated statement of “the general muster taken by us” in August 1595, the total being 19,210 men, of whom 5200 were “trained.”
	Signed by Hevyngham and Peyton.
	IV. “A description of the islands of Flegge and Lovinglande with the town of Yarmouth,” giving the landing places, defences, &c.
	7 pp. (41. 56–9.)
	W. [Chaderton,] Bishop of Lincoln, to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 26.	Is grieved that “an impudent cunning boy” can bring him into such suspicion and asks if his answer, enclosed, will do. “I told you yesterday that by the practice of this cunning youth with his father the debts which now I sue for were not confessed nor proved afore publication in Askyough's suit in the Star Chamber, which by witnesses now in town I can plainly prove.” He has practised of late with other the writer's adversaries to make like complaints to her Majesty and the Lords, and has bragged that he is safe from the law as long as her Majesty lives.—26 June, 1596.
1596, June 26.	Holograph. 1 p. (41. 90.)
	Sir Edward Coke, Attorney General, to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 27.	Has conferred with Mr. Justice Walmesley concerning the offence of John Neele, the Scot, and learns that he and the other justice of assize, lord Anderson, thought that the killing of John Harris, being in a sudden quarrel and not of malice prepensed, could hardly be found murder, and therefore Neele has been reprieved ever since. As there are other petty offenders whom these justices mean to commend to mercy, Walmesley thinks “it best to insert this Scot into that general pardon.”—27 June, 1596.
	Signed.
	Endorsed :—Mr. Attorney General. 1 p. (41. 91.)
	Sir Edward Hoby to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 27.	“Sir, I would write more at large but I know you shall have all things from better hand; and my poor mite I have already sent to my lord Treasurer, which I humbly beseech you may suffice for both.” Please let my wife see it, “to whom I am very sparing of ink.” I would not have troubled you; but “none shall pass me without remembrance of my duty unto you and my honourable lady, whose fair hands most humbly kissing, I rest, ever at your honour's service.”—Calais, 27 June, 1596.
	Endorsed :—“Sir Edward Hobby to my master. Received last July.”
	Holograph. 1 p. (41. 92.)
	Sir Charles Davers to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 28.	Received his letters of 5 June on the 27th at Roan, where, after the loss of Ardres and the enemy being retired and the King's army committed to Marshal de Laverdin, he hoped to follow his private business, and ease the extreme charge he was at in the army. “In that letter I have received your Honour requests (which unto me are absolute commandments,) that, during this time of two months it seemeth her Majesty is not pleased to send over any ambassador or agent, I should write unto you such occurrents as come unto my knowledge, and deliver my opinion of the long talked of treaty between Spain and France.” Cannot own to the great wisdom which Cecil attributes to him and would excuse himself if commanded to write to any other than Cecil, whom from childhood he has loved, and' who, he knows, will give his letters favourable construction. Will therefore repair again to the King for the time specified, and endeavour to satisfy the command, though a private man has not the means to search out secrets.
	“There have been divers alarms given of a truce secretly managed between Spain and France,” grounded upon the treaties of the Dukes of Savoy and Mercœur, men thinking that the former being so dependent on Spain must act with the consent of that King, and that the other, being unable to subsist if the King were able to turn his forces that way, would never venture his ruin by delay unless he were sure of gaining “by that peace whereof he was said to be a principal mediator.” Although the King could not quit his allies, who in his misery assisted him, without loss of reputation, and would hardly receive other honourable conditions, yet, “considering his necessities, his inclination to quietness, the facility of his nature, and the humour of those which seem principally to possess him,” the worst was feared. Cannot learn of any overture made save by Campagnolle, who was taken in the citadel of Calais and returned out of prison six weeks ago, but whether by commission of the Cardinal, with whom he had conference, or otherwise, is not known. There is here a very hot report thereof, caused by the coming of the Legate and the assembly which the King has appointed at Amiens of his council and officers, who, however, are only convoked to take order in the finances. “The King himself is now likewise at Amiens, where the duke de Monpensier meeteth him this day, and within these four days accompanyeth him to St. Germains, where he purposeth to remain at the least three weeks privately for the taking of his diet.” His army is much weakened by the departure of the Flemings. The lanceknights, too reduced to do more than defend the frontier, keep the field near Hedin. Roquelaure is returned to Paris from Mons. d'Epernon, who is at Lyons and will be shortly with the King. Intends his next letters to be from the Court.
	“The Earl Bothwell, at my being at Paris this last winter, imparted unto me the courses he had run, his present fortune and estate, and the desire he had to live under her Majesty's protection, or, if that for any respects did not please her, as her secret pensioner in France; promising unto himself to be able to do her extraordinary service. He said that he had written often into England, from whence he had received hopes but no certain resolution whereon he might build. He laid open his desperate estate, the little hope he had in this King's assistance, his urgent necessity which would force him if he were not relieved to run courses contrary to his inclination and affection, which, he protested, was wholly dedicated unto her Majesty's service.” Recommended him to apply to the ambassador, which he did; but, the death of Sir H. Umpton succeeding shortly after, he has since renewed his requests to the writer. “He hath offered heretofore to communicate with me some intelligence he hath in Spain and the Low Countries. He pretended likewise to be able to discover from time to time all the proceedings of the Earls of Huntley and Arroll, who lie at Leege, by means of one Sir James Linsey, brother to the Earl of Crawforde, who is in Paris and holdeth ordinary correspondence with them. He showed me the copies of their ciphers with the secretary Idiaquez and the Jesuits at Rome, or at least papers which he said were such, pretending to have means to interrupt many of their letters.” Imparted this matter to Umpton a little before his death, but sees little in it but words, and has very little affiance in his pretended intelligences. Begs Cecil to see that his (the writer's) mother, in discharge of the trust his father reposed in her, does not, by parsimony to him in his banishment, prevent his fitting himself to repair, through the Queen's grace, his half overthrown fortune. These eight months, has received but 200l., part of which is sent to his brother and the rest in paying the interest of his debts. Will be much pinched until Michaelmas unless Cecil procure her to give him credit with Humphrey Buss; after that “I shall be somewhat better able to subsist, by means of some provisions I have made of mine own.” The passages between Dieppe and Dover are not so ordinary as to Rye; but, in the rest, will follow Cecil's directions.
	The bearer passed over at Boulogne thinking to find him with the King at Abbeville and so made his voyage the longer.—Roan, 28 June 1596.
	Holograph. 5 pp.
	Endorsed in the hand of Sir Robert Cecil's Clerk :—“Sir Charles Davers to my master.” (41. 93–5.)
	Capture of Cadiz.
1596, June 28./July 8.	Madrid, 8 July :—His Majesty having notice that in England a great armada was preparing, and fearing that it might be for Portugal, more than a month ago dispatched certain swift ships into the English channel to spy what the armada was doing. Two of them returned about a fortnight ago, one to Biscay, which reported that the armada numbering 190 sail left the Channel on the 12th of June. A courier forthwith brought this report to the Court, but not much credit was given to it. The other ship came to Lisbon, and reported that it had accompanied the armada till 30 leagues from thence. The news then began to be believed and fears were entertained for Lisbon, where there was the utmost terror “et poco recatto, in modo che disimparorno tutti li borghi et cavorno tutte le gente inutile” and his Majesty ordered men and cavalry thither, but it was not done with the speed befitting such a business. In Lisbon they never saw the armada. It was first sighted at Cape St. Vincent, and the news brought to Cadiz and despatched hither, and after that there were daily reports of its progress towards Cadiz, but only 70 sail were counted. On Sunday, 30 June, a galley was despatched from Cadiz which brought back word that there were 180 odd sail, and thereupon six great galleons of the King's, three Genoese and three Ragusan ships and 23 ships (some of them very large) intended for New Spain, were stationed at the entry to the harbour, with 24 galleys of the Spanish squadron, to stop the entry. That night and next day the wind freshened so that they were driven to retire within the harbour, and the enemy observing that seized the opportunity to enter the harbour on Tuesday morning, 2 July, and immediately engaged the ships and galleys. They fought for eight hours, the enemy having the advantage in numbers and in the use of the artillery, and when finally victory declared for the enemy, the armada within were all either burnt, sunk, or disabled. Four of the galleys were sunk, the rest escaped by rowing, and are safe in the river of Seville, but they lost many men. The chief cause of their defeat was want of powder. Whilst the fight was in progress, the enemy sent boats with 4,000 soldiers, to attack Cadiz in the rear, outside the haven, to a little landing place called St. Sebastian. These were opposed by 500 “cavalli ginetti,” mostly of Xeres and persons of importance, of whom 300 were slain, and their leader, the duke of Arcos, received five wounds, but they must have been slight for they write that he is already recovered. The enemy's loss was very small. A Franciscan friar in defending a street slew nine. The city being thus taken, 12,000 foot were landed from the armada, with their land general, who prohibited all outrage or pillage. Two soldiers who broke the prohibition by attempting to take a woman's necklace, were punished by instant death. The citizens and merchants withdrew into the Cathedral (chiesa maggiore) and the monastery of St. Francis, where they were made prisoners. All persons who were not to be ransomed were sent out of the city, and the prisoners were put under guard and a ransom of 250,000 crs. demanded for their lives, but by letters of the 3rd it was thought that 150,000 ducats would be taken. Among the prisoners is an auditor of the Council of India, Dr. Pedro Guttiero, who was president of the house of contractation of Seville, and was at Cadiz about the despatch of the fleet for New Spain. The duke of Medina Cidonia was not in time to save Cadiz, but was on his way and is now at a place overlooking Cadiz, 5 leagues off, collecting men and horse. They are assembling from all sides, but are ill armed and untrained. The King has ordered preparations throughout the realm for the recovery of Cadiz if the enemy stop there, which seems doubtful. The Marquis of Santa Croce who was in the galleys, was dangerously wounded in the head; and the Count of Ribadavia slain. The loss in 600 pieces of brass artillery, household furniture, ransoms and ships, will be more than four millions; the profit to the enemy 2½ millions. Merchants of Seville are treating for the ransom. They have spare arms for 30,000 men, and their armada numbers 30,000 men besides mariners. There are four standards :—England (the admiral of England is general of the armada), Scotland, Denmark and the islands of Zealand and Holland, and their land general is a count who is a relative of Count Maurice, son of the Prince of Orange. In Seville every possible preparation is made, but there is some distrust of the Moors there.
	Italian.
	Endorsed :—1596. 3 pp. (173. 90.)
	Soldiers' Apparel.
[1596], June 29.	“The account of apparel delivered out of the Mary and John the 29 June unto us, John Traves and Wm. Greves, by invoice under the hand of Richard Hassall for his masters Ury Babington and Robert Bromley, and the issuing thereof.”
	The articles are shirts, doublets, Venetian hosen, stockings, bands, hats and shoes; and the account shews the number of each as per the invoice, the number of each delivered by warrant, the remainder left with Mr. Harris at Plymouth which are serviceable, and the apparel wanted and not serviceable, being rotted by casualty at sea.
	Endorsed :—“Soldiers apparel.”
	1½ pp. (31. 64, 65.)
	Sir John Fortescue to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 29.	As desired, sends six parcels of the pearl. Sent by his cousin Henry Brook the “patrons” [patterns ?] for the great diamond. Desires to know the Queen's pleasure therein. His diet grows very irksome as withdrawing him from her service and from his friends, but he trusts “within a few days now to end.”—The Wardrobe, 29 June, 1596.
1596, June 29.	Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (41. 96.)
	The Queen to the King of Scotland.
[1596, June 29.]	I am to seek with what argument my letters should be fraught since such themes be given me as I am loth to find and am slow to recite, yet since I needs must treat of and unwillingly receive, I cannot omit to set before you a too rare example of a seduced king by a sinister council. Was it ever seen that a prince, from his cradle preserved from the slaughter, held up in royal dignity, conserved from many treasons, maintained in all sorts of kindness, should remunerate with so hard a measure such dear deserts, with doubt to yield a just treaty's response to a lawful friend's demands? Ought it to be put to a question whether a king should do another, his like, a right; or should a council be demanded their pleasure what he himself should do? Were it in the nonage of the prince, it might have some colour, but in a father's age it seemeth strange and, I dare say, without example. I am sorry for the cause that constrains this speech, especially in so open a matter whose note grows so far and is of that nature that it (I fear me) will more harm the wronger than the wronged. For how little regard soever be held of me, yet I should grieve too much to see you neglect yourself, whose honour is touched in such degree as the English, whose regard I doubt not but you have in some esteem for their good thoughts of you, will measure your love by your deeds not your words in your paper. Wherefore, for fine, let this suffice you, that I am as evil treated by my named friend as I could be by my known foe. Shall any castle or habitation of mine be assailed by a night larceny and shall not my confederates send the offender to his due punisher? Shall a friend stick at that demand that he ought rather to prevent? The law of kingly love would have said, nay. and not for persuasion of such as never can nor will stead you, but dishonour you, to keep their own rule, lay behind you the due regard of me and in it of yourself, who, as long as you use this trade, will be thought not of yourself ought but with conventions what they will. For commissioners, I will never grant for an act that he cannot deny that made. For whatso the cause be made, no cause should have done that; and, when you with a better-weighed judgment shall consider, I am sure my answer shall be more honorable and just, which I expect with most speed, as well for you as for myself. For other doubtful and litigious causes in our borders, I will be ready to appoint commissioners if I shall find them needful; but for this matter, of so villainous an usage, [I] assure you I will never be so answered as hearers shall need. In this and many other matters I require your trust to my ambassador, who faithfully will return them to me.
	Endorsed :—“June 29, 1596. Copy of her Majesty's letter to the King of Scots with her own hand.”
	[Printed by the Camden Society, Ed. Bruce, p. 114.] 1 p. (133. 147.)
	Nicholas Saunder to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 30.	Both the lord Generals commanded him, by warrant under their hands, to make speed after them “as soon as a certain business was ended,” and charged him to let Cecil know of his going, and intimate their desire that he and my lord his father would write to them. Is now ready to sail at the next wind, and begs them to send their letters down to Plymouth “by the ordinary post, who will be here in shorter space than one man can endure to ride it.” Here is one John Batthersby of Plymouth, “that hath bought an Indian hat that is a jewel fitter for a greater personage than the party that now hath it, who was but a pedlar and carried a pack at his back about the country within these few years. The hat is made somewhat after the English manner, and as our English strawen hats are wrought here with straw, so is that with beaten plates of silver curiously wrought. The band of it is of beaten plates of gold, wrought exceeding finely in knots and flowers, intermingled with very fair Oriental pearls, of a good bigness perfectly round, and with other stones likewise, as I remember, for I saw it but once. The brims of it is faced with velvet all embroidered over in flowers of very fair pearl. I thought it my duty to let your honour understand of it, for only saving that it is somewhat weighty it is surely a rare and rich thing. It was a king's or viceroy's of the Indies, and brought hither now by some of Francis Drake's fleet.”—30 June, 1596.
	Endorsed :—“From Plymouth.”
	Holograph. 1 p. (41. 97.)
	Sir George Carew to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 30.	Is glad to be able to direct his letters “from her Majesty's city of Cales (Cadiz), not in fancy but won and yet held by her soldiers' swords.” Refers to his letters to Cecil's father for details since they left Plymouth. Yesterday when he sealed those letters, the resolution was to hold the town for the Queen, and despatch Sir Anthony Ashley into England to that purpose; but since then, having surveyed the state of their victuals, and found them insufficient to relieve a garrison until fresh supplies come, the lords generals “have determined to quit the town with as much expedition as they may.” Has no time to discourse of all who in this service have merited extraordinary honour. “Wherefore I will overpass all but the lords generals and Sir Walter Raleghe. As for their lordships, I protest, before God, without flattery, I did never in my life see any governors command with more judgment and wisdom, nor execute their designs with more valour than they have done in this action. And as for the Earl, in the fight by sea his ship was as near the enemy as any man's, and in winning of the town himself did lead in the head of his troops, his own ancient [ensign] was first advanced and where most peril was there was he in person. I do conclude him in my opinion to be as worthy a subject as hath been born in England in my age, and if employments be continued unto him, I think he will prove as gallant a commander as any in Europe.” Writes not in return for favours shown him, for he has rather cause to complain. “Many words in Sir W. R. commendation would not do well from me, wherefore I do leave him to the vulgar, saving, in a few words, I do assure your honour his service was inferior to no man's, and so much praiseworthy as those which formerly were his enemies do now hold him in great estimation; for that which he did in the sea service could not be bettered.” Have still two months' victuals and trust to do somewhat else to grieve the King of Spain, and win the Queen glory and gain.—Her Majesty's city of Cadiz, 30 June, 1596.
1596, June 30.	Holograph. Seal. 3 pp. (41. 99).
	Sir William Russell to the Queen.
1596, June 30.	“Your most excellent Majesty, by your letters of the 25th of the last month, hath been pleased to signify that, in ease of your excessive charge, your Highness doth shortly expect the discharge of some of your forces here, especially those newly erected, and upon the occasions of your service employed in this your Majesty's realm. And from the lord Treasurer I understand that a good part of the treasure last sent over is by your Highness specially appointed to make them full pay thereupon. I am therefore in discharge of my duty in all humble manner to make known unto your Majesty that, the army, being now on foot in Connaught, as it was before the arrival of those your Highness' letters, and I fear will be till that and more treasure be spent, unless they return without effecting any such pacification as haply hath been there very confidently given out, it may not any longer be expected that such a discharge can he made, or such part of that treasure so issued to the rebating of your Highness' said charge, albeit the same is so great as I cannot without grief think thereupon, knowing as I do that the large expense of your treasure, though occasioned by the necessity of the time, hath procured your Majesty's offence and distasted all other my endeavours, which God knows what heaviness it hath wrought in me, most devoted to do you faithful and acceptable service. But yet if your Majesty would vouchsafe me the reading of these few lines, I hope it will appear unto your Highness that the consumption of your treasure to so little purpose and with so slender service performed may not justly be laid to my charge, but unto his, who being sent specially to manage this war, and for that cause here remaining about a twelvemonth, hath of that time spent nine months at the least in cessations and treaties of peace, either of his own device contrary to my liking, as ever doubting th'end would prove but treacherous, or else by direction from thence, by what means or upon what advices I know not. Now he and the other joining with him, not knowing, as it should seem, how to bring their matters to good conclusion, being, I doubt, greatly abused and over-reached by their trust and confidence reposed, do, according to the manner of this country, devise to cast the fault upon others that they might be discharged of the blame; and amongst the rest stick not to tax me as if I had been adverse to their proceedings when, before the Almighty, I protest that I have always given them my best furtherance, how doubtful soever of the issue, as unto your Majesty and your Council I have often acknowledged. And I do still as heretofore affirm that so a sound peace might be compassed, by whose ministry soever it were wrought, I should most unfeignedly account it the greatest blessing that might happen both to this poor afflicted realm and to myself. But seeing hitherto small likelihood thereof, and finding that your Majesty did never otherwise determine any course of pacification but that the main points of honour and safety should both be duly respected, my care for your Majesty's true satisfaction will appear to have been far greater than theirs who to make show of excuse for themselves do thus seek now to inculpe me. For, if with your Majesty's favour I may recount the Commissioners' proceedings with th'Earl, in concluding with him so far as to the passing of his pardon under the seal (which yet I did not contradict but gave way to) without conference or meeting with th'Earl other than by Captain St. Leger and Captain Warren, th'Earl refusing to put in his son for a pledge, as once he promised, or by oath to perform the articles agreed upon or to renounce foreign aid and assistance; and they forgetting or at the least neglecting to deal with him to send some number of his shot for your Majesty's service in some other parts, which I advised them to insist upon as the only sure mean to discover and sound the very bottom of his drifts and intentions, it will be found that their weak manner of dealing therein was not only without that due respect to those main points of honour and safety wherewith your Highness in most rare and princely wisdome did circumscribe them, but merely repugnant to the instructions which it pleased your Majesty to give them; whereupon have ensued these notable errors, I fear, to the hazarding of this your Majesty's kingdom; for th'Earl, either careless of his pledges, as I ever took them over mean to restrain him, or else assured from the Commissioners or from Captain Warren upon his oath, as is alleged, that if the peace were not concluded in Connaught those pledges should again be re-delivered him, doth hitherto show no disposition to receive, for himself and followers of Tyrone in sort as was agreed on by the Commissioners, his pardon, which for any time this month past he hath had knowledge to be passed the Great Seal; and by that means gives further cause to doubt that, either that advertisement is true which affirmeth he will not receive his pardon unless all the rebels throughout the realm may depend upon him and upon his peace only, as he termeth it, or else that other which reporteth that he hath promised to deliver unto the King of Spain his son in pledge for such succours and supplies as from him about Lammas or August he expecteth. Which latter is made much the more suspicious by th' Earl's taking in most ill part our detaining of the King's letter sent him, as fearing, by Captain Warren's own saying who came with it, that it would be used as a mean to discredit him with that King. Some of these advertisements I have sent unto my sister of Warwick for your Majesty, because I conceived that your Highness might haply be pleased to take a view of them. And so, most humbly beseeching your most excellent Majesty to pardon this my rude and tedious despatch, occasioned by your weighty and important service here, which I acknowledge to require, and most humbly pray it may be thought upon some other or more sufficiency, to be otherwise countenanced from your Majesty and backed by some of your Council who have greatest credit with your Highness, than either I find I am or can any longer hope to be, though in duty and in loyal affection I will give place to none, I end, most humbly kissing the hands of your most sacred Majesty.”—Kilmainham, 30 June, 1596.
1596, June 30.	Signed. Seal broken. 4 pp. (41. 101–2.)
	Spanish Naval Preparations.
1596, June 30.	Notes, in the Earl of Essex's hand, touching Spanish naval preparations, as follows :—
	“At Lisbone 24 sail of Biskayne ships, under the conduct of Don Diego de Brochios (?); and 24 sail of other ships, under the conduct of the Count of Feria, which came lately from th' islands, one of which ships fought with my l. of Cumberland's ship, lost 60 of her men, and received a shot under water. And 8 galleons that came from the Levant. And 8 hulks and flyboats taken for the service of the King.
	Out of these ships, and 13 that are at Sevill, two fleets shall be made; whereof one shall follow Sir Fra. Drake and the other go for Ireland. In Biskay ther [i.e., there are] ships of building in many places; and of these new ships there be 4 of 400 tons apiece.”
	Endorsed by Essex :—“30th of June '96, Relation of an English man that came from Lisbone within these 15 days” and by Cecil : “Readde.” (41. 103.)
	Roger Wilbraham to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June 30.	Is emboldened by manifold favours received from Cecil's father to hope for the like from him, and begs him to procure his recall from Ireland, on the ground of health and age, and appointment to some place in England as a reward for his services. Has served ten years although originally appointed for three. Dare not write to Cecil's father lest the request should be unseasonable. “The cause importeth me the more for that it appeareth (by daily experience) that malignity in th'end depraveth all Irish services.” Has desired his brother (Cecil's servant) to remind him of this suit.—Dublin, 30 June, 1596.
1596, June 30.	Signed. 1 p. (41. 104.)
	Port of London.
1596, June 30.	A note of things entered in the Custom house of the port of London, “inwards,” during the month of June 1596; as follows :—
	Velvet, 3 cases; watered chambletts, 1 case; satins, 1 case; lawne, 8 cases; cambrick, 5 cases; holland, 1623 pieces; Normandy canvas, 27,200 ells; currants, 289 bags, 113 butts, 50 curtalls; cloves, 1730 lbs.; maces, 554 lbs.; ginger, 1600 lbs.; sturgeon, 35 firkins; Civel oil, 229 pipes; cochineal, 3 barrels; armour, 230 headpieces, 270 murrions, 152 curettes; gunpowder, 6 barrels; fish 17 cwt.; “hatwool,” 214 bags; feathers for beds, 3 bags; rye, 1210 qrs.
	Addressed to Sir Robert Cecil.
	Endorsed :—“Mr. Plumpton to my master.”
	1 p. (41. 107.)
	Roger, Earl of Rutland.
1596, June 30.	(1.) An order in the Court of Wards on behalf of Lo. Rosse, touching the delivery of the evidences at Belvoir Castle. Relative to the inspection of the answer to be delivered on behalf of Roger, Earl of Rutland, with respect to its sufficiency.
	(2.) Reasons on behalf of the Right Ho. Roger, Earl of Rutland, her Majesty's Ward, against the petitions preferred by the Right Ho. Isabel, Countess of Rutland, to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty.
	When the commissions went out of the Court of Wards for searching the evidences in Belvoir Castle, those evidences that concerned the lands demised or descended from Edward, Earl of Rutland, to his heir general, were accordingly delivered out of the Castle to the said heir's behoof. The other that concern the lands conveyed by the said Earl Edward to the heir male of his grandfather for honourable maintenance of the Earldom, were locked up within the Castle for the use of the now Earl her Majesty's ward, so as now no evidences do remain there but such as concern the lands come to the Earl and, therefore, no cause that the said Countess or any other for the heir general should have any further intermeddling there.
	The heir general is no ward to her Majesty, neither for body nor lands, and so being without the protection of the Courts of Wards ought not to have any relief there against the now Earl, who indeed is ward and by that Court to be protected both for body, lands, goods and evidences and kept in as good plight as the Court found him.
	There is no bill or suit depending in Court for these evidences and no reason any commission should be granted by extraordinary course, neither is her Majesty thereby like to have any benefit of lands by the heir general (as is suggested), if such search or remove of the evidences should be permitted.
	It is to be doubted, therefore, that they that with such colour and devices seek to have the evidences that concern the Earl's lands, would also thereby bereave him of his lands, if they could; for other reasons for this suit cannot be gathered.
	It may, therefore, please your good Lordships to stay all further proceedings about the evidences during his absence beyond the seas.
	Copies on different pages of the same sheet of paper.
	1¼ pp. (173. 85.)
	Winchester College.
1596 [June.]	“Pleaseth your honour [Cecil?] to consider :”
	1. The foundation of the College once infringed, which is the founder's will and testament and statutes of the house, being already confirmed by Act of Parliament, is the breach of all other good order and discipline.
	2. In case any violence be offered by Mr. C[otton's] intrusion upon this suit, who never was of the foundation and therefore ineligible, many thousand there are who have been nourished in that college who will make supplication to her Majesty that the founder's will may be observed, to bestow that preferment upon some fit man of that foundation, who knoweth their statutes.
	3. To draw Winchester College which was never yet violated into the like inconsequency of Eton College, which hath been many times usurped upon, is to reason from examples affirmatively.
	4. The statutes of Winchester College were made of purpose to exclude all dispensations, albeit they were granted from the Pope; the founder B[ishop] Wyecham chargeth his scholars in visceribus Jesu Christi to observe them. Besides this, no man's oath is dispensable, and their oath is to elect one of their own; who must swear in the solemnity of his election after that her Majesty hath given it by her prerogative, Ego electus, &c.
	5. To dispute of her Majesty's princely prerogative none willingly will undertake; but her Majesty of her clemency and respect to the founders of colleges hitherto by her prerogative did never offer violence, but rather establish their foundations and incorporations.
	Endorsed :—“1596. Dr. Tooker.”
	²/3 p. (38. 3.)
	R[obert] P[arsons] to —.
1596, June 30/July 10.	Serius aliquanto redditæ mihi sunt literæ Reverentiæ Vestræ scripte Lovaniæ 20 Jan., quod Hispalim me sunt secutæ, quod agit mihi gratias R. V. de subsidio quodam pecuniario procurato, animo certe meo debentur ac desiderio, licet non operi ob temporum difficultates egi quod potui agoque. Sed duorum hic seminariorum pressus onere, quorum unumquodque ad septuaginta fere alit, quid aliis præstare possem R. V. facile pro sua prudentia videbit. Utinam R. V. istius seminarii Scotici cum hic adesset opus vidisset, aliquid sine dubio effectum fuisset; nunc autem de absentibus lentum negotium et languidum, nisi istic cum serenissimo Cardinali aliquid confici possit, quod ego adeo cupio optoque ut nihil sciam quod libentius me totum impenderem quam in opus istud vestrum, si ab his duobus collegiis que humeris meis hic incumbunt, ac exiguo mihi dolori est inopia vestra. Cui levandæ etsi impar animo sum, aliquid tamen ut conferam hoc libentissime ex tenuitate nostra offero, ut si V. R. sex habeat istic adolescentes Scotos, bonæ indolis, qui ad studia philosophica idonei sunt atque Anglorum convictum non respuunt, eos in hec seminaria admittens (sic) omnique caritate complectemur, et si hoc initium ex animo nobis successerit, fieri possit ut reliqua deinde sequantur ampliora; ego benevolentiæ causa rem propono, vestro arbitrio totum permitto. Cetera quæ R. V. petit cum Episcopo Leguntino et domino Ideaques in istius seminarii usum agende, habet ea valde commendata pater Creswellus, qui Madriti moratur, quo etiam cum ipse venero (quod brevi futurum puto) partes quoque meæ non deerint.
	Quod de alio negotio successionis regiæ R. V. scribit nimium reprehendi se a nonnullis tanquam rationis humanas secutum, quod regis Scotiæ juri hereditario faveant, vel non sit ex eis qui precoces sunt ad eum a successione Anglie excludendum (ut verbis utar vestris), nescio sane quid respondeam vel an quicquam hac in re respondendum sit, cum magis optarem de celesti tantum regno et non de terreno sperandum nobis foret. Sed quia temporum iniquitate patrieque nostre extrema calamitate factum est ut de salute ei procuranda, que ex religionis catholicæ restitutione pendet, nulla ratione agere possimus nisi de successore catholico cogitemus, dicam R. V. quicquid animo conceptum habeo.
	Ego ab anno octuagessimo quo primum in Angliam mandato superiorum appuli, regis Scotiæ studere commodis omni qua potui ratione cepi; et statim quidem Gulielmum Wates sacerdotem meis impensis in Scotiam ex Anglia misi, patremque deinde Holtum submisi, et cum hec initia non male nobis succedere cernerem, scripsi ad reverendum patrem nostrum generalem ut aliquot viri societatis e gente vestra in Scotiam mitterentur; cumque statutum esset ut experiundi causa R. V. premitteretur, facile recordabitur qua animi alacritate Rothomagi ei adfui adeo ut socium unicum quem habebam mihi ipse detraxerim ut Rev. Vest. in Scotiam sequeretur. Revertanti deinde R. V., neque concilio neque opere unquam defui iter arduum ac difficilimum in Hispaniam Ulissiponi usque suscepi cum magno vitæ periculo, neque cum minori aliud deinde in Italiam, ac tertium demum Romam usque, atque hec omnia post Deum regis Scotie matrisque suæ in gratiam; quibus licet ad cetera quæ cupiebantur non esset utilis opera mea, duabus tamen vicibus viginti quatuor aureorum millia a rege Hispaniæ in eorum usum impetravi, et a summo pontifice Gregorio XIII. quatuor millia. Cujusmodi nescio an alii prestiterunt officia, eorum tamen cogor mentionem facere ut eis opponam qui Regi me Scotiæ adversarium faciunt, ad quos refutandos nemo testis locupletior esse potest quam R. V., quæ hec omnia novit et meminisse poterit.
	Tandem uno cum mortua regina regem vestrum obfirmatum heresis cursum tenere animadvertimus, fateor tam Alanum quam me cum nondum esset dignitate cardinali preditus, languidiores omnino in regis heretici negotio promovendo nos exhibuisse. Cum tamen R. V. Romæ nobis dixerit, anno opinor [15]86, sepiusque repeterit nihil certi statuendum esse quoad firmum aliquod experimentum de regis animo haberemus; quod se allaturum R. V. promittebat cum eo ipso tempore una cum aliis professione in Scotiam pararet. Expectavimus libenter vestrum reditum qui cum aliquot deinde annis successisset omnem plane spem nobis omnibus de regis reductione eripuit; omni enim asseveratione affirmabat V. R. cum alibi tum hic sepissime in Hispania, quod et alii quoque viri pii prudentesque nationis vestræ confirmarunt, nihil esse quod quisquam de regis ad fidem catholicam conversione expectaret, quod reliqua etiam deinde secuta vehementer comprobant. Itaque fateor ex eo tempore Cardinalem Alanum meque alia omnia que de rege Scotiæ cogitasse, idque unum atque solum cogitationum nostrarum meta fuit, quis potissimum et pre ceteris competitoribus religioni catholicæ divinoque cultui in patria nostra restituendo atque stabiliendo opitulaturus videatur. Cumque cogitando atque scrutando sepius eam pretensionum latitudinem pretensorumque varietatem prospiceremus quoad ipsum etiam succedendi jus hereditarium, amoto omni religionis respectu qua R. quoque V. ex edito nuper libro de hoc argumento vidit, quid viris bonis facere convenit vel etiam incumbat addita religionis ratione, id est an deberent vel tuta conscientia possint pretensorem hereticum vel dubium solum sequi in pretentione quoque dubia, cum catholicorum pretensorum copia sit, nemo piæ mentis est qui non videbit. Jam R. Vestræ dixi verissimum quod est, me cupere ut hec ipsa de terrenis regnis nihil quicquam ad nos pertinerent; sed cum nostra peccata id effecerint ut prostrata omni republica nostra, res politicæ atque religionis adeo sunt mixtæ atque perplexæ ut de viris restituendis sine aliis tractari non possit, neque de religione catholica stabilienda sine principe catholico, cumque tantum sit jam in priori laboratum ut non solum laboribus magnis sed copiosissimo etiam sanguine constiterit; non possumus de secundo quoque non esse solliciti, ex quo cetera omnia pendent. Itaque R. V. presenti sepe presens affirmavi, quod et piissimum Alanum nostrum fecisse memini, id iterum jam hac occatione repeto id unum at primum omnium loco me intueri in futuro nostro principe ut vere sit catholicus, sit cujuscunque alliægini nationis, gentis, vel linguæ sub celo; et si hoc in eo non sit vel dubium sit, ne patriam ego respicio, neque personam neque ullum aliud juris hereditarii pretensi genus quod contra Dei causam admitti non deberet etiamsi alias validissimum esset, in regis vero Scotiæ pretensionis jure infirmum vel cum aliis comune. Ex eo quem jam dixi libro edito appararet idem quoque sentisse V. R. aliquando bene memini, et certe mirari satis non possum adeo mutatum jam videre ut scribit se non esse ex eis qui precoces sunt ad regem Scotiæ excludendum, cum nemo se neque precociorem neque maturiorem ea in re ostenderit, aut efficacius illud nobis et aliis idque infinitis prope testibus persuaserit, quod aliqua in rege ipso subsecuta fuisset mutatio non adeo mirarer, quam-quam non ita facile quoque in re tanta crederem sed his ipsis. R. V. scribit de rege Scotiæ pro certo habemus eum ad partes catholicas venturum si validiores essent, sed quid deinde facturum esset incertum est, Hie duo jam dicuntur pro certum esse, regem ad partes catholicorum qui apud Scotiam in armis sunt, si validiores fuerint venturum, non disputo qua certitudine V. R. id sciat. Sed ego quoque id sentio non solum de illo, verum etiam de Regina Angliæ, si res in discrimen veniret, partibus nimirum validioribus si liceat pro tempore adhesuram, hoc enim non solum prudentiæ est sed alicujus necessitatis. Sed quod in secundo deinde adjiciat V. R. incertum est, quid tunc fieret si rex partibus se fortioribus adjunxerit, si religioni catholicæ opem sit allaturus necne, plane indicat R. V. nihil quicquam de voluntate regis certum habere quod ne tunc quidem eum religioni catholicæ fauturum sciat, cum in catholicorum fuerit potestate; itaque stultos nos plane et miseros, si post tot exaltatos pro fide catholica sustinenda labores, tot immensa pericula perpessaque martiria, velimus jam iterum in regis heretici vel dubii omnia nostra Deique ac reipublicæ bona manibus deponere. Hoc est judicium, hic sensus mens, (Deo angelisque testibus) me nihil preter diviuam gloriam hac in re querere, neque minimæ mihi curæ esse quis hominum regnis terrenis fruatur, modo celeste queramus aliisque procuremus. R. V. hec equo animo amicoque ut solet accipiat, reliquisque amicis nostratibus ac vestratibus quibus videbitur communicet, meque divinæ misericordiæ in sanctis suis sacrificiis commendet.—Hispali, 10 Julii, [15]96. R. P.
	Seal. 3½ pp. (42. 32, 33.)
	The Earl of Essex to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June.	“Sir, the captain of the Swiftsure and the lord that is transported in her do return before the fleet with a very ill will. But my lord's health and the ship's aptness to a leak requiring it, we have sent her away. This is to no other end but to acquaint you with this much. Therefore I will commend you to God's best protection, and rest your very affectionate and assured friend.”
	Endorsed :—“June 1596,” and by Cecil's clerk :—“Received 1 August.”
	Holograph. 1 p. (41. 105.)
	Foggo Neutoni to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June.	Rejoices to be of service to him and will detail how matters stand. Mr. Noel (il generosissimo Noello), through myself and other his friends, had obtained the promises of many, privately because we thought it contrary to the Royal statutes. On his death these promises were transferred (as our public letter tells you) to two of our same college, viz., Mr. Wotton, a man of exceptional learning and very popular, and another person not known to us. The first is supported by honourable recommendations, the other by the heads of the college. The sanctity of a promise is the only thing which hinders your designs.
	Endorsed :—“June 1596. Mr. Newton to my master.”
	Italian. 1 p. (41. 106.)
	The Fellows of Winchester College to Sir Robert Cecil.
1596, June.	Desired him, recently, to show the Queen what course they took with regard to her letters to them in favour of Mr. Henry Cotten to be elected into the fellowship of their college. Now Cotten has brought her letters patent for the wardenship of the same, with letters mandatory from the Bishop of Winchester for him to be “presently admitted.” Answered that they could not admit a new warden until they were discharged of the old by resignation. He then insisted upon the Queen's letters patent. Have taken an oath to observe the statutes of their house and to admit nothing derogatory to them; at the same time, have no wish to derogate from the Queen's prerogative which they are likewise sworn to uphold. Desire that the Queen will appoint some of her judges to decide whether they can, without perjury, admit a warden not elected according to their statutes.
	Signed :—George Ryves : Anthony Beeley : Thomas Jefferey : John Boles : Robert Smyth : Wyllm. Watkyn : Guido Dobins : Georg Blunt.
	Endorsed :—“June 1596. The fellows of Winchester College to my master.”
	2 pp. (41. 108.)
	Capt. Thomas Lovell to Lord Burghley.
1596, June.	Has been many years employed in the Queen's martial service, as his petition shows; and has since been at Peterborough, Marshland, the isle of Ely, and in Lincolnshire, and seen how much drowned ground there is which might easily be recovered. Has likewise seen divers workmen endeavouring to win the same for themselves, and perceives, from their unskilful handling thereof, that they are never likely to succeed. Has had experience in like works and begs him to favour his suit to the Queen explained in the said petition.
	Signed, Tomas Louele.
	Endorsed :—“June 1596. Capt. Thos. Lovell.”
	1 p. (41. 110.)
	2. Petition of Captain Thomas Lovell to Lord Burghley, setting forth that, having served more than thirty years in the wars of foreign countries, 23 of them under the Prince of Orange and States of the Low Countries, and under the Earl of Leicester, deceased, having lastly supplied the office of serjeant major at Berghen op Zoom, he is now in his declining age without pay, pension, or other maintenance and has sustained lamentable losses and received grievous wounds in the Queen's martial affairs. He has obtained “great knowledge in fortifications, inundations of floods, water courses, and work of rivers and streams” and would use his substance and skill in reclaiming drowned ground; and intends to sue to the Queen to grant one half of such overflown lands belonging to the Crown as he shall recover, at his own cost, to him in fee simple and the other half in fee farm at 12d. an acre yearly. Desires also licence, for 21 years, “to use his skill and pains in the deepening, amending and recovering of havens, roads, ports, seadikes, rivers, creeks, marsh ground and other places under water,” thus providing great quantities of turf for fuel, to the saving of “wood and coals and other fuel being now scarce, and to the abatement of the excessive prices thereof;” with prohibition to others to meddle therein.
	1 p. (41. 109.)
	Anthony Watson, Bishop of Chichester.
1596, [June].	“Reasons to induce her Majesty to continue the Dean of Bristol in the rectory of Cheyham by commendam.”
	Mainly because the bishopric of Chichester to which he is called will be worth but 300l. so long as he is in first fruits, and Cheyham, only ten miles from London, will be convenient for him when called to preach at Court or to Parliament. The loss of his other benefices of Storingetonne, Sussex, the Deanery of Bristol and Chancellorship in Bath and Wells will be very great, and the first fruits of them will well compensate the Queen for the loss of those of Cheyham which stands in her books as under 20l. a year.
	1 p. (48. 3.)
	Dr. Harmar.
[1596, June].	Statement by Dr. Harmar of his qualifications for the wardenship of Winchester College.
	Twenty nine years ago he was placed “by her Majesty's special recommendation her scholar in the school of Winchester.” By her favour, having spent five years in the New College in Oxford and continuing in the fellowship of his college, he travelled three years and three months beyond sea in the most famous cities and universities, “in love and esteem of the learnedest of Argentyne, Basle, Lausanna, Augsburge, Leipzig, Heydelberg, Geneva, Padua, Lyons, Orleance, Paris.” Professing then the study of divinity, he undertook a solemn disputation at Argentyne against the chief of Lutherans, D. Pappus, touching their doctrine of the Ubiquity, “which how I performed, Jo : Sturmius, a man of great learning, her Highness' agent then in that city, hath reported in his book intitled Antipappus Quartus, printed anno 79.” On his return from beyond seas her Majesty made him her public professor of Greek at Oxford, “which there I read 6 years and have imprinted many things of Crysostome never before set out, and since translated, which the late lord Chancellor presented her Majesty from me.” Being proctor of the University, was requested to undertake the school of Winchester; which, in hope of this preferment (for 4 of the 7 last wardens had laboured in the school) he has, almost 9 years, sustained. At her Majesty's last being in Hampshire she had the scholars before her at Aberston, “at which time she vouchsafed to take notice of my being her scholar, of my travels, of my being skilled in the tongues, her professor, of publishing many things in print, and said she would have me in remembrance for my preferment.”
	Endorsed by Cecil :—Harmer. 1 p. (48. 28.)
	St. Mary's College, near Winchester.
1596, [June].	Petition of New College, Oxford, to Sir Robert Cecil to inform the Queen of certain articles (given), ten in all, proving that, by the statutes of their foundation, the wardens of New College and the college near Winchester must be fellows of these colleges. Mr. Cotton would have to take an oath to these statutes and no lease or collegiate act by a warden not elected according to the statutes can be valid in law.
1596, [June].	Endorsed :—1596. 2 pp. (48. 43.)
	Henry Lok to Sir Robert Cecil.
[1596, June].	Acknowledges Cecil's great help in his extreme misfortune in countenancing and freely affording his own purse, what time the fury of some creditors, in the show of his first discontinuance of service, did press on him, and in desiring her Majesty's bounty both by entreaty of letters and liberality of her own purse unto him, with no small labouring beside by Lord Burghley to relieve him. All which moved him of late to use those two-fold letters to his Honour more pressing in particular indeed than his merit should expect, but not more than his Honour's well experienced benignity might embolden a right modest mind to hope for. Albeit they were graciously received (as he gathered by Cecil's answer), yet on further consideration his conscience is so far burdened with indiscretion showed in them that he is forced accuse his error and crave Cecil's pardon, of whom it had rather been his part to have sought testimony of her Majesty's conceit of his desert and his Honour's aptness in this season to have been a further mover for him. If his deserts be disparaged in Court, if his sufficiency disabled for his country, if his fortune be calculated with disaster, rather yields to all these (to him, being unexpected, more grievous than exile or death) than to the least offensive importunity of his Honour.
	Endorsed :—“Junii, 1596.”
	Holograph. Seal. Undated. 1 p. (173. 86.)
	John Budden, Feodary of Dorset, to Lord Burghley.
[1596, June.]	The wardship of Francis, daughter of Thomas Turbervile, was granted to him and others, to the use of the ward. Details the practices of Stoughton, who married the ward's mother, to obtain possession of the ward's property. Stoughton now sues to obtain the body of the ward. He prays that the suit be not granted, but that the ward be committed either to him or to some other.—Undated.
[1596, June.]	½ p.
	Lord Admiral Howard to the Earl of Essex.
[1596, June ?]	I have received a letter in some part as it were to me, and in some, as this bearer can show you, to some other. My lord, if I could think that you had this day received any “gote” of scorn I should be sorry, but I protest before God I can not think of any; for who can attempt anything when God shall cross him with weather? But, my lord, to adventure you and the principal ships of this army, to the utter overthrow of all the whole journey, I cannot like it. My duty tieth me to my instructions, and I do pray your lordship to remember your promise to her Majesty. But to have the ships destroyed without hazarding your person and the principal ships of her Majesty I can like it, and for us to give countenance unto it, and if it please you that Sir W. Ralegh may have the charge with his own ship, the Mary Rose, the Rainbow, the Vanguard, the Dreadnought, as many of the Flemings as you shall like, and to those English ships that I sent your lordship the name I have added others which I send you enclosed, and the Swiftsure may be another. And this far I do agree and like of; against your lordship's adventuring I do protest and so did Sir Conyers Clifford and Mr. Ashly, and so I think will all of judgment; and therefore, my honoured lord, bear with me not to lose her Majesty's favour and undo myself. I perceived by Mr. Ashly that if we had gone forward this day in setting on them it had been laid on me as the first author of it. Of your valour the world knoweth, and if it be not too much, which is the fault, Good my lord, think there is more to do than this, and let not a mischance overthrow all, and when the spoiling of such is most likely to be requited with the loss of better. This far I dare adventure as I have set down; farther I cannot.
[1596, June ?]	Holograph. 1 p. (47. 99.)
	Lord Admiral Howard to the Earl of Essex.
[1596, ? June.]	There is come to me from the Earl of Sussex [a letter]; he is wonderful desirous to go home in the Swiftsure, for that it would be a great trouble to him to remove; and being as the Swiftsure is in such a leak, if your lordship should like of it, I had rather she should go home than the other. She will waste the rest well, so knowing your liking and pleasure I will write thereafter. Sir W. Ralegh shall have some other good ship out of my squadron if he will; but surely all things considered of the weakness of the ship in my opinion it were best she went, for go she must after the first storm. I will rest to know by the bearer your pleasure.—The Ark.
	Endorsed by Essex :—“From the L. Ad., for the Swiftsure to go home.”
	Holograph. 1 p. (47. 100.)