Henry VIII: March 1525, 1-15 | British History Online

Pages 502-522

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1875.

Citation:

March 1525



Tanner's MS. Bib. Bodl. 343. No. 30.	1138. CARDINAL'S COLLEGE, OXFORD.
	1. Yearly value of the suppressed monasteries of Wolsey's college, Oxford, with names of the founders; and a list of the parsonages appropriated to the said college.
R. O.	2. Pensions and corrodies for life, chargeable (chiefly) on the suppressed monasteries:—
	Littlemore: to Kath. Welles, late prioress, 6l. 13s. 4d. Daventre: to John Bygge, 26s. 8d. Wallingford: W. Yong demands by virtue of a convent seal a yearly fee of 53s. 4d., and Will. Belson 40s. Tonbridge: Peter Stace during his Wife's life, 100s. Lessonnes: John Blakemore, late abbot, 6l. 13s. 4d.; John Clemond, 10l.
	In Yorkshire: to my lady Percey, 46l. 13s. 4d.; Will. Scaiff, 4l. 6s. 8d.; Geo. Overende, 4l.; to Will. Overende, 60s.; to Mr. Cromwell, 20l.; and Mr. Lubbyns, 10l.
	P.1.
1 March. Lettere di Principi, I. 154 b.	1139. GIO. MATTEO GIBERTO to the NUNCIOS in ENGLAND.
	From his last they could not have expected that the war in Lombardy would have come so suddenly to an end. The victors themselves had no hope of such good success. It is a great thing that those Switzers, always intrepid with their cannons, should in this battle have been routed by guns and harquebusses, so shamefully that, with the violence of their flight, they drove back the French men-at-arms, and preferred drowning to fighting valiantly. Since Giberto wrote before, besides the Valesani who were spoiled, the 4,000 Grisons quitted the French king's service; and many others, weary of the hardships they had suffered, departed in confusion. More than 2,000 invalids had retired to Vigevano. To supply their place, the French king ordered 4,000 fresh Switzers to come. But the Imperialists were very vigilant, and resolved not to lose so good an opportunity. They had for several days before wearied the French, by giving them alarms three or four times every night, and at last they entered [the camp] as far as the artillery, and struck the final blow.
	Sends two letters from Messer Ber on the subject. As the victory puts an end to the wars in Italy, it should be satisfactory to everybody; but the miserable condition of so great a King grieves all men universally, especially the Pope. Nothing can be done till the effects of the victory are seen. Expects to be informed by the Nuncios how the king of England takes it, before the discusses the subject. Will only say that it is hoped the King will act as a prudent man and a Christian. The Cavalier [Gregory] Casale, who will depart hence tomorrow or the day after, (though he will first of all go to the Imperial commanders,) will be able to supply many things which Giberto omits. Rome, 1 March 1525.
	Ital.
1 March. R. O.	1140. JOHN SMYTH to HENRY GOLD.
	Sends a doublet cloth of fustian, a hose cloth and a shirt for Edmund. Does not wish him to have his commons out of Gold's house this Lent, lest it hinder his learning. Perceives he is to answer a B.A. in the schools. Hopes Gold will see he does it substantially, else he would rather he did not. London, 1 March.
	Wishes Edmund to have a cade of "srottes" (sprats ?) in his chamber to eat when he list.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: Mr. Golde of Seynt Johns College in Cambrege.
R. O.	1141. RIC. CROKE to GOLD. (fn. 1)
	Requests him to deliver the following book to the bearer: "Severus Macer et Commentarii in Timæum Platonis, et alius scriptus cujus nomen me modo fallit." It is a parchment MS. belonging to the monastery of St. Alban's. Sends his respects to both presidents, to the former as well as to Langford, who, as he understands, has lately been appointed. By great good luck met in London Watson, "tristi vultu et ferme jam omnibus fabulæ habito." Expects the fool Preston here on Sunday. As soon as he is gone, should like a congregation to be held, at which I may be admitted, for I am insane enough to covet the doctor's laurel. Gold and Arthur should not rashly refuse the opportunity, "de qua coram plura, ut rideam si ridere debeat homo cui perpetuus morbus et ejusmodi ut vehementer timere menti faciat."
	Hol., Lat. p. 1. Add.: Amicissimo mag. Goldo, aut Joanni Smytho olim Joannis præsidenti, aut mag. Arthuro Sacrosanctæ Theolog. Bacchalaureo, aut reverendo domino præsidenti mag. Longfordio, aut mag. Brigandeno, principi Cantabrigiensis gymnasii procuratori.
R. O.	1142. CROKE to GOLD. (fn. 2)
	After I left, I could not forbear visiting the master of my college in order to understand the lies Smith had been telling, and I handed him the letters of the bishop of Rochester. The master admits that they had been seen by him afterwards, but not through the instrumentality of Smith. However greatly I have been maligned to the Bishop, to whom I owe so much, I have resolved to bear it all with equanimity. I have always been really friendly to Smith, but he is a false friend or an active enemy, for he has traduced me to the Bishop. What could be worse, when I had, according to his advice, opened a way to the favor of the bishop of Lincoln, than for him to have acted in a manner contrary to all his previous engagements? He has betrayed to Aldridge all that I said of him to the Bishop. He told the Master that I could not be vice-chancellor; and yet he promises me his services for that post, thinking me a person fit to be imposed upon "in commodum Natricii." I am extremely vexed that Bland, on his suggestion, told me "ut in sumptum titulorum ex Redi possessionibus aliquid mihi condonaret, saltem ut ad eum Brudenellus scriberet, ad quem etiam literas meas vidit, et relato responso tamen pernegat se mihi quidquam pollicitum." So from this transaction I shall be considered guilty of falsehood. I have resolved that I will never speak to him again. Complains of the ill services Smith has done him with Watson, and his scandals to Brandisby. Is to tell Hall of this. The bishop of Lincoln is gone to London, to wait there till Christmas. I beg you will have my bedding, &c. sent thither; also my books and clothes. My brother will take my stipend for me. I cannot obtain it before Christmas time. Windsor, "a Lincolniensi ad Wintoniensem."
	P.S.—Halledus te salutat.
	Hol., Lat., pp. 4. Add.: To Master Gold, my hearty and true friend.
R. O.	1143. CROKE to GOLD.*
	Will have to respond to Marshall. Michael's questions are,—1. An creati sint angeli in gratia? 2. An status episcoporum sit perfectior statu religiosorum? As these are not scriptural, will find some difficulty in them. Would like to know the opinion of schoolmen and authorities. Is very busy. Has a sermon at St. Paul's ad clerum. If Gold will help him, will show his diligence in paranda tibi stipe annua. This is the time for Gold to prove himself a friend; and if, after the encomiums Gold has passed upon him, Croke shows his ignorance before the whole university, part of the disgrace will fall upon him. Is ready to send him the venison when required, by his servant. "Si velut aliud agens, tractes ista cum Veneto vicecancellario et aliis, multa emergent in quibus alioqui hæsitandum est." Begs him not to let Dynham stray, especially into the town. He should require half a page of Lucian of each of the two boys, to be translated into Latin, and keep them to Donatus. Denton, who is my favorite, will be industrious. The other must be driven.
	Hol., Lat., p. 1. Add.: Doctiss. et humanissimo bonarum artium doctori Mag. Henrico Goldo.
R. O.	1144. CROKE to GOLD.
	Has received his stuff, and paid Gold's brother 7s. 7½d. Wishes his servant Symon to have his trussing coffer and little coffer, with shoes and books, conveyed to him. Would have been with my Lord long before, if his stuff had been sent. Is surprised that Gold did not truss his gowns in his trussing coffer, nor send Simon's apparel. Has nothing to keep his gear in, nor to convey it when my Lord removes. Has no sheets for his servant. Will pay all his debts before he leaves; before Christmas, he hopes. Master Smythe writes that he has a habit Croke gave him, "the condition whereof I told you," and the reasons why he is displeased with him. Has absented himself, and will absent himself, from my lord of Rochester, that he may not be suspected of telling tales, as Smythe has done of him. London, morrow of St. Katherine's Day (i.e. 26 Nov.).
	Hol., p. 1. Add.
1 March. Calig. B. I. 79. B. M.	1145. WM. DOUGLAS, [Prior of] Coldingham, to WOLSEY.
	His brother George informs him that Wolsey has received an answer from Rome touching the writer's benefice of Coldingham, that the bulls would be in Scotland before Christmas last. Has not heard anything of them. His adversary pretends the bulls of Coldingham are sped for him. Desires to know what he should do. Edinburgh, 1st March. Signed: Wilzam Dougalos, Coldingham, &c.
	P. 1. Add.. "To my lord Cardenallis gud grace in Inglond."
2 March. Calig. B. I. 73. B. M.	1146. WILLIAM CAMPBELL, of Lundy, to MAGNUS.
	Writes briefly, Argyle having written at length. The lords of Scotland are fully inclined to keep the peace concluded by Magnus. The King and Queen and all the Lords will be accorded within eight days. Edinburgh, 2 March. Signed.
	Orig., p. 1. Add.: "To my lord (sic) archden of Estriden, consalor to ye Kingis hienes of Ingland."
	At the beginning is written, in a different hand: "From the tresourier of Scotteland."
2 March. Vit. B. VII. 72. B. M.	1147. CARDINAL CIBO to [WOLSEY].
	Cannot let slip the present opportunity, afforded by the return of Casale, to express his readiness to serve him in any matter in the court here. Rome, 2 March 1525. Signed.
	Lat., p. 1, mutilated.
4 March. Galba, B. VIII. 107. B. M.	1148. MARGARET OF SAVOY to HENRY VIII.
	Has received by his ambassador his letters of the 19 Feb. complaining of the conduct of the sieur de Praet, the Emperor's ambassador. Is much displeased, and hopes the Emperor will see to it. Would revoke and punish him if she were in the Emperor's place. Brussels, 4 March '24. Signed.
	Fr., p. 1. Add.
4 March. Galba, B. VI. 9. B. M.	1149. MARGARET OF SAVOY to [WOLSEY].
	Has received by the English ambassador his letter of the 20 Feb. Is very much displeased at what De Praet, the Emperor's ambassador, has written. Doubts not that the Emperor will punish him. Hopes it will not lessen Wolsey's good will towards his Majesty. Brussels, 4 March.
	Hol., Fr., pp. 2, mutilated.
4 March. R. O.	1150. THOS. BENET to WOLSEY.
	Mr. Twyneow, one of the executors of the late bishop of Salisbury, died the 3rd March. Has advertised Wolsey of it, as there might be some reckoning between them touching the execution of his will. Twyneow was town clerk of the city of Sarum, with an annuity of 4l. 13s. 4d. Puts him in remembrance of the bishop's vicar in the cathedral now void six weeks. Sarum, 4 March.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: "My lord Cardinal."
5 March. Calig. B. II. 248. B. M.	1151. THOS. LORD DACRE to WOLSEY.
	The bearer, Wm. Hetherington, now the King's servant, was in youth a very evil-disposed person, took a woman out of Scotland who was covenanted with another man, her wedding clothes being made, had her to a forbidden place in Scotland, and married her, and of late, having remorse, put the matter "in the spiritual law" in the dioc. of Carlisle. When Dacre was last with the King and Wolsey at Woodstock, Hetherington obtained from the King a letter of request to Margaret Gogion, a widow, of Carlisle, without any land or substance, to take him in marriage. She made him fair semblance, but took another, Nicholas Denton, for her pleasure; suspecting which, Hetherington carried her off, partly against her will, she being at the time with child by Denton. Desires the King's pardon may be sent for this. Can answer for Hetherington's conduct in anything else for the last 18 years. He has done the King service in times past. Harbotell, 5 March. Signed. (fn. 3)
	P. 1. Add.: "T[o my] lord Cardinal's grace."
5 March. Lambeth MS. 245, f. 226 b. Fiddes' Coll. p. 146.	1152. WOLSEY to PACE.
	Has received his letters dated Venice, 17th last month, which show the answers made to him by the Duke and senate of Venice, and what may be expected from them, and which contain also news from the camp. Has heard by certain letters received from Italy that the French and Imperial armies were within half a mile of each other from the 7th to the 17th of last month (the date of the said letters), but that there had been no battle. The French king would not leave his camp, and it was too strong to be attacked. Supposes he intends to weary and consume the Imperialists for lack of money. The King has heard that 200,000 ducats sent by the Emperor to Italy have not arrived, and that a great part of the 50,000 crowns in Sir J. Russell's hands is returned hither by exchange, and has accordingly caused conventions to be made with Antony Vivald, merchant of Genoa, and Antony Dodo, merchant of Venice, that on applying to their agents in the city he and the bishop of Bath shall be paid what sum they think necessary. He is to make the best bargain he can with the bankers, without binding himself to take more or less than the case requires.
	If the bishop of Bath write to him to send some of the money to him or elsewhere, according to his instructions, which are to make up the 50,000 crowns which were at Rome, he shall cause the same to be delivered, giving a receipt to the merchant as the Bishop shall direct. Pace is to give him advice about taking it to the Emperor's army. The King's wish is, first, to advance the 50,000 crowns to the army; second, to disburse "no money in waste; for 5,000 or 10,000 more, rather than fail of the same, may be thought so convenient; and that, lacking other provisions, they should be else compelled to fail and lose their enterprises, or that the having thereof may save and conserve the same." At the King's manor of Bridewell, 5 March 1524.
	Copy, pp. 8.
Vit. B. VII. 73. B. M.	2. Modern copy.
R. O.	3. Two other modern copies.
[5 March.] R. O. St. P. VL 402.	1153. WOLSEY to CLERK.
	Have received your letters dated at Rome the _ ult., and perceived the state of matters at the despatch of Gregory Cassalis. As the French king intends to wear out the Imperial army by delay, and the 200,000 ducats to be sent by the Emperor have not arrived, and are reported to have been intercepted by the enemy, the King has taken advice how to aid the Emperor. But as money cannot be conveyed without danger, order has been taken at Venice by Pace, now there, that 40,000 or 50,000 or 100,000 ducats shall be provided by Anthony Vivaldi and others, to be repaid on your and Pace's acquittance, as you may see by the letter I send him.
	The King desires that the 50,000 crowns already promised be answered, the battle stricken or not; and, if more money is required, rather than fail, 10,000l. sterling besides shall not be stuck at, above the 50,000 crowns lately in Russell's hands. As, however, affairs may alter from what they were at the date of your last, you must be left to your own discretion. I forbear writing to Cassalis or Russell, as you will communicate with them.
	Draft, in Tuke's hand.
Vit. B. VII. 1. B. M.	2. Modern copy.
5 March. Galba, B. VIII. 15. B. M.	1154. KNIGHT to WOLSEY.
	I received on Shrove Tuesday morning your letters, dated Westminster, .. Feb., with letters from the King and yourself to my Lady, and others for her, the count of Hochstrate and Mons. de Tholouse, copies of letters from De Praett to the Emperor, and a letter to myself containing your pleasure. After reading the last I went to my Lady, and first delivered the King's letter, making your excuses for not answering with your own hand, on account of the disease in your head, and showing that you always intended to continue your good mind towards the Emperor and her, and to keep the lantern alight. I gave her your letter, on which she expressed herself much displeased with De Praett, and said she had before feared his indiscreet writings, and cautioned him to be more careful. She said one of the charges she had given to Mons. le President was to inquire how De Praett conducted himself, and begged me to forbear that day, as everybody was disposed to joyous pastime. Next day she would appoint Hochstrate to hear the whole matter, on which she would consult with her Council, and make answer that would satisfy you.
	Next day I told Hochstrate I had been commissioned to tell my Lady of a matter of great consequence, through ignorance of which the common enterprises had suffered; and told him of the reports from different places of De Praet's seditious manner of writing, to which you had given no credence, but cautioned him to be on his guard, and of his dissembled answers. I stated that, in consequence of letters of the 11th ult. from Pace, you had sent for the Ambassador to communicate the news, and I related what had passed between you. I told him of the arrest, by certain of the privy watch, of a messenger riding after midnight to Bryneford, who, on being searched, was found to have letters in French, which were brought, first to the King's solicitor, afterwards to Sir Thos. Moore, and next day to you; on which you sent to countermand the letters despatched by the factor of the Foquers the day before, fearing that their contents might be equally false. There was also taken a packet going to my Lady, in which the untruth and malice of De Praett was plainly shown. You called him to account for it before the Lords of the Council; on which he answered by objecting to the opening of his letters, said that ambassadors write to their princes what they think expedient, and that he was induced to write as he did in consequence of John Joachim's being there so long, the truce proposed at Rome not being agreed to, the not sending of an army on this side, and the refusal to contribute to the defence of Italy; all which you had replied to in such manner that he was utterly confused. My lord of Hochstrate and I then read the letters, and verily he was ashamed of the Ambassador's misconduct. I said that all the Emperor's friends ought to thank God the Ambassador's intrigues had been detected before he had succeeded in creating suspicion between the princes.
	Hochstrate said he would make a report to my Lady, who next day told me it was no marvel her candle never went out, as, whatever was written or said, you always showed yourself a fast friend. If De Praett had been appointed by her she would recall him immediately and punish him; but he has no diets from hence, only from Spain. While in England he sometimes did not once in four months inform my Lady of the charges he had from the Emperor, and not till my Lady had asked the Emperor to command him to do so. She doubts not that the Emperor will punish him. Hochstrate thinks that the less noise made about it the better it will be for the Emperor's honor; for though it be rumored that the Emperor's letters were intercepted and looked at, few men will know the circumstances. I send a letter from my Lady, written by her own hand, and another from Hochstrate. I think, though my Lady have no power to recall the Ambassador, perhaps some of those that are in England will be ordered to continue there till the Emperor's pleasure be known; and if Mons. de Praett be of any spirit, he will disdain to remain where he is held in distrust. Brussels, 5 March.
	What was written in cipher, deciphered and showed to me, might as well have been written openly, like the rest. He accuses you of being choleric, and of other things, that only show his folly.
	Hol., pp. 7. Add.: To my lord Legate's good grace.
5 March. R. O.	1155. A. DE LA LAING to WOLSEY.
	Dr. Knyck (Knight) has given Madame the King's and Wolsey's letters, and declared certain matters to her and to La Laing. She has given a reply to Knyck, and also writes to Wolsey. Assures him that she wishes to please him and the King. Is sorry that matters should have happened so, but he will always be found ready to serve the King. Brussels, 5 March. Signed.
	Fr., p. 1. Add.: A Mons. le legat d'Angleterre.
5 March. R. O.	1156. SIR RIC. BROKE to WOLSEY.
	Has "agreed" Edw. Molyneux, clk., and Geo. Blundell, as to the arrears of the annuity of 10l. granted by the former to the latter, according to a decree in the Star Chamber. (fn. 4) He has paid in Broke's presence 5l. in advance for the annuity due at Lady Day, and 3l. and an obligation for the same amount for the arrears before this present 5th March. They have asked him to inform Wolsey thereof.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my lord Legate. Endd.: A letter of Mr. Broke, the juge.
6 March. R. O. Ellis, 3 Ser. II. 43.	1157. WILL. [WARHAM] ABP. OF CANTERBURY to WOLSEY.
	Has received his letter, dated Westminster, 2 March. Is glad to perceive how graciously Wolsey takes his plain writing to him. Without his undoubted favor and benignity would not have attempted to disclose his mind so openly. Did not give any credence to the reports he mentioned, which, Wolsey has warned him, were circulated to create dissension between them. They will not create in him any mistrust of Wolsey's goodness, of which he has substantial proofs that nothing can shake. Esteems his favor "a hundred times incomparably more than by the private cause of Jane Roper or any such." Will defer, at Wolsey's desire, further proceedings in the matter of John Roper's testament till he sees Wolsey after Easter. Trusts that Wolsey will not be persuaded that, by virutue of his legatine authority, notwithstanding the Archbishop's composition with him as legate de latere, he has any right to proceed in testamentary causes. Canterbury, 6 March. Signed and sealed.
	P. 1. Add.: "My lord Card. of York and Legate de latere."
6 March. Galba, B. VIII. 107 a. B. M.	1158. MARGARET OF SAVOY to the ENGLISH AMBASSADOR [KNIGHT].
	Has this morning received excellent news from Italy. The Imperial army has gained a victory; the king of France is prisoner, 14,000 of his men killed, and all the rest defeated and taken,—not one escaped. Sent to his lodging to inform him, but he had started for Malines, where she was going herself, but these news have delayed her for this day. Will tell him the rest tomorrow at Malines. Two gentlemen have gone to England to inform the King, the one belonging to the Archduke, the other to the duke of Milan. Brussels, 6 March '24. Signed.
	P.S.—Will not leave till after tomorrow, that she may return thanks to God.
	Fr., p. 1. Add. Endd. inaccurately, "5th of January."
6 March. Lettere di Principi, I. 156 b.	1159. GIO. MATTEO GIBERTO to the NUNCIOS in ENGLAND.
	The auditor of the Chamber (Ghinucci) departed hence for England, well instructed in everything, but was unable to pursue his journey, as he was taken ill at its commencement. The Pope thinks that as the Nuncios will be made acquainted with his mind by the cavalier (Gregory Casale), they can perform the offices entrusted to the Auditor. First, they are to thank the King and the cardinal of York for the good office rendered in their name after the victory by the bishop of Bath and the cavalier, who intimated to the Imperialists that, as they valued the King's goodwill, they should treat the Pope in a becoming manner, and that if they offended him they would offend the King and Cardinal. The Nuncios are to induce the King and Cardinal once more to make it clear to all the world that they are of the same mind as the Pope, and are, as it were, one body with him,—to resent every insult that shall be offered to him, and to repeat their remonstrances to the Imperialists.
	The Nuncios are then to discover how the King and Cardinal take this great victory, and how they intend to act. If by war, whether the Emperor and Henry will keep Francis prisoner, and carry the war into France, with the intention of not desisting until the enterprise is accom- plished. If by way of composition, they can find means to release Francis on such conditions as will be to the honor and profit of both princes.
	After offering their congratulations on the results of the victory, the Nuncios are to act with the King and Cardinal in conformity with the breves brought by Casale. At first they are to do no more than recommend the peace of Christendom to the King and Cardinal, and show how it depends on them and the Emperor. They shall then wait, in order to learn what is the mind of the King and Cardinal, gathering what information they can at their audience, and by all other means. If they can induce the King and Cardinal to accept the more peaceful mode of procedure, it will be very agreeable to the Pope. Mentions no particulars, as the Nuncios will learn them all from Casale. They are to send information of whatever they learn touching the negotiations here and in Spain,—not by post, but by those who shall happen to be sent here from the court. The Pope has been thinking a long while what he could send for presentation to the King in return for so many old and so many fresh obligations, but he has nothing to offer except his love and goodwill. He has long deferred to the King's honor and advantage. He will be better able to do him service when he knows how this news has been taken, and to which side they incline; but he has amply discussed with Casale on this subject. The bishop of Bath and Casale have done the Venetians the best service in the world by signifying to the Imperialists how greatly the King has their preservation at heart. This comes very opportunely for the benefit of all Italy. The Nuncios are to urge the King and Cardinal to make this their goodwill known here. Rome, 16 (fn. 5) March 1525. Detained till the 7th.
	Ital.
6 March. R. T. 137. R. O.	1160. BRINON and JOHN JOACHIM to LOUISE OF SAVOY.
	Have made answer to the Cardinal on each of the points remaining in dispute, urging him to continue his efforts for peace, according to Madame's letters of the 15 Feb. After which, Wolsey told them that if they had nothing more to say he would bid them adieu; that the embassy of Flanders was at hand, with whom, upon hearing our answer, he would treat, putting everything in readiness for war, and opening freely the hand that he had hitherto closed for the delivery of money in Italy; that Francis had made his profit of this negotiation, and embroiled the Pope with the Venetians; and that Wolsey knew what his prosperity was, of which the ambassadors had spoken, for he believed at that hour he was defeated or taken prisoner; nevertheless, he would not on that account be more warm or more cold to conclude with them. He said their answer omitted the principal point, viz., of the lands; without which he did not feel sure that peace could be made; that without payment of the principal and arrears of Tournay no agreement could be come to; that the ambassadors knew his answer about the aid demanded for the recovery of Tournay; that it would cost them twice as much as the sum they had promised him, and that he would do his best to get it back into the hands of Francis, but there should be nothing about it in the treaty. As to the condition of the marriage, he said that the treaty of Tournay and the treaty of the marriage were things quite independent of each other; that Henry's consent to them had only been obtained by great importunity, and that if they would not pay the money of Tournay he would cut off the heads of the hostages, and send them to Francis. As to the arrears, he said if 100,000 crowns were not paid immediately after the ratification of the treaty, the peace would not hold good. As to the 25,000 crowns of the inhabitants of Tournay, he consented that a clause should be added, promising to deduct the amount of the acquittances, and make the necessary transports. As to the continuance [of the treaty], he desired to make an indissoluble tie between the Princes, which he could not do without this hope of continuing the 100,000 cr. during the life of his master. He said it was only filling up a paper; that his master was fat, and that God would show him great favor if he lived to the end of the payments. As to the part about the generals, he maintained that the promise of Francis was genuine, as Jerningham, who was then ambassador, could bear witness, and that it was not creditable to Francis to disavow it; that the Grand Master had done the like; that the contract was lawful; that there was no usury in this country, and that without this part the peace would not be concluded; that the merchants would save Francis from paying anything. As to the truce and the jewels [of Mary], he made little comment (il si est peu arresté), and still less about the depredations.
	Their answer was, that, knowing his zeal for peace, they hoped he would not let slip this great opportunity; that Madame had labored hard to soften the heart of Francis, and that Wolsey should do the same towards his master, instead of putting him to needless expence in Italy or elsewhere; that if he used the occasion rightly it would be the consummation of his glory. As to Tournay, he had been shown that their demands were reasonable, and that without the hope of marriage the French would not have given a single maille; that if the money had not been paid it was not the fault of the hostages nor of Francis, but of Henry, who had sent his defiance, and begun the war. They could not believe that Wolsey, a cardinal and legate, would countenance the threatened cruelty to the hostages. As to the payment of 100,000 cr., Francis had already spent too much in his wars to be so flush of money, and England had lent larger sums to mere merchants. As to the continuance, it was decided by the letter of Ardre, for the promise was conditional, "et la clause y estoit resolutive." Brinon had already told Wolsey "la suspicion de sa promesse," considering the treaty they had with the Emperor and the "pourparlé d'Ecosse."
	Had a long discussion with the Cardinal about the "partie des generaulx," maintaining that the obligation was usurious, and could not conscientiously be ratified by Francis. In the end they said if the negotiations failed on this point it would be owing to the Cardinal. Wolsey said there were other obstacles to peace than this, and made a digression to say that France did nothing for his master, who had spent so much in his wars; that all the French promised over and above the last treaty was no more than due to him. He made light of the advance on the original terms which we complained of, saying he did not esteem the difference more than his rochet, and would never have taken so much trouble about it but for the good of peace. Said they were surprised he could talk in such fashion of 1,000,000 or 1,100,000 crowns; and if he thought so little of money, and so much of peace, he should not insist upon the terms.
	Requested him not to believe the reports of their enemies. Told him Francis was victorious in Italy, that they believed both Naples and Pavia were now in his hands, and that England ought not to lose so good a friend.
	Wolsey said he had long pondered the matter, and was sure he could not gain his master, except on the conditions named. He therefore urged them to come to terms immediately, saying he had been sent for by the King. He said he was beginning to be considered a Frenchman, and was willing, for their sakes, to be as good a Frenchman as he had been a Spaniard, for he had only helped the Spaniards from necessity.
	On this the ambassadors retired. They did speak of the arrest of their men at Dover, and of the interception of their letters, suggesting that he should cause them to be read that they might answer his suspicions; but he denied having given any order for such arrest, and purged himself of suspicion by a solemn oath, laying his hand on the crucifix in their presence. Left him for two days, during which he sent for Joachim, and had long conferences with him. Finding him still obstinate on two points, that of the generals, and that of the continuance for the life of his master, offered that the latter should be granted by letters apart, Henry giving a counter letter that the obligation should not take effect unless the marriage of the Princess took place in the house of France, and that the obligation of the generals might be made en masse, but if not paid before Henry's decease it should be extinguished. After a long discussion Wolsey desired Joachim to speak of these points to Mons. le Chancellier, which he promised to do. Next day Wolsey sent for Brinon, who came to him with his colleague, when they discussed the two proposals at great length without coming to any conclusion. Next day the discussion was renewed, and after many protests and remonstrances the ambassadors consented to the two overtures; but, after all, Wolsey returned to his first objections, and said he did not know if the King would be satisfied, but he would do his best to make him so. On this the ambassadors told him that they had already gone beyond their powers for the sake of peace, and what they had done was in danger of being disavowed, nor would they feel themselves bound if they had not a speedy answer. This led to new proposals, and at last they made another overture touching the obligation of the generals, which, after having accepted, Wolsey again expressed himself dissatisfied with, and made them a third overture, which they could not accept, as being beyond their powers. London, 6 March.
	Copy, Fr., pp. 7.
7 March. R. O.	1161. WOLSEY to the ABBOT OF ST. MARY'S beside YORK.
	* * * "straitly and with all diligence call upon them (if any such be) for bringing in of the same." Is to inform Wolsey of any who make denial or contradiction, that he may remedy it. Westminster, 7 March. Signed.
	P. 1. The commencement lost. Add.
7 March. Calig. B. III. 121. B. M.	1162. CASSILLIS to WOLSEY.
	The delay has not been occasioned by him. The Queen and the Lords were not agreed, but are now reconciled, chiefly by Magnus, who has acted like a wise and true man. As the peace runs out on the 23rd, his Grace will write to the wardens to prorogue it for one month, and Cassillis will do the same in Scotland. Will be with his Grace on the 24th. Edinburgh, 7 March. Signed.
	P. 1. Add.: "To my lord cardinal of England."
7 March. Galba, B. VIII. 109*. B. M.	1163. MARGARET OF SAVOY to the IMPERIAL AMBASSADORS in ENGLAND.
	Sends a copy of a letter from the Archduke, received today, in confirmation of the news she sent yesterday by special courier. Has been today to the procession and high mass in the church of St. Godule in Brussels. Expects full intelligence from the viceroy of Naples. Brussels, 7 March '24. Signed.
	Fr., p. 1. Add.
7 March. Lettere di Principi, I. 152.	1164. _ to _.
	After the victory, the Imperialists took the French king to Pavia, where he was served at table by the Viceroy and Bourbon. Account of subsequent events. From Rome it was reported, on 5th March, that the duke of Albany' was ill, and his troops were upon the Roman territory (erano pur su quel di Roma). It was said that he had sent the Datary to Venice, to bring about a good understanding between himself and the Signory, together with the duke of Ferrara, &c. But this is not known for certain, nor even the arrival of the said Duke there. On 2 March the Venetian Council despatched two ambassadors to the Emperor, Priuli and Navagero, and wrote beforehand to Ant. Surian, podestà of Brescia, to repair to the Viceroy and the duke of Milan. On the 6th the same Council elected Lorenzo Bragadino ambassador to England, who was subject to a penalty of 500 ducats if he refused. The Datary was expected there from Rome, so that the negotiations were going round secretly. It was, however, conjectured that the Pope, the Venetians, and the duke of Ferrara, with these other Italian lords, would greatly dread the power of the Spaniards, and determine to arrange a good understanding among themselves; and that they would also wish to include the king of England, who, being jealous lest the Emperor should become lord of the universe, would make it his business to thwart him.
	There has been a tumult in Rome. Some bands of the duke of Albany's troops which were at Marino, on hearing the news from Lombardy, retreated towards Rome. The Colonnesi and Spaniards pursued them, and overtook them at San Paolo, and, being in greater number, routed them, and made many prisoners, following them into Rome, which closed all its shops and took to arms, but soon became settled. Account of several incidents at the battle of Pavia. On the 7th, it is reported that some Spanish infantry were at Casale, and about to cross the Po. Some said they were going to Carpi, others thought they would march against the duke of Albany and his troops. Dated from the 5th to the 7th of March.
	Ital.
7 March. R. O.	1165. ITALY.
	Copy of a letter, dated Rome, 7 March, from Sir Gregory to his brother the Prothonotary.
	Has no news but that the governor of Norsia, who sent word of the loss of Matrici as Casali wrote before, writes that a person has come to Matrici from Apulia, saying that Renzo has defeated the Imperialists there, and taken Count de Burella and Fabritius Maremaus. Does not know whether to believe this, for the report may arise from the fact that the prince of Orange has departed from Matrici, and, leaving John Baptist Savello there with 1,000 foot, has gone to Naples to arrange an expedition against the Florentines. The Prince has sent on to Apulia 2,500 Germans and 700 Spaniards whom he had with him.
	Lat., p. 1. Endd.
7 March. R. O.	1166. THOMAS SOTEHILL.
	Indenture by which Thos. Sotehill, of Sotehill Hall, permits Henry Sayvell, son and heir of Sir John Sayvell, of Thornhyll, to receive the rents of the lands belonging to the late Wm. Fitzwilliam, till they amount to 63l. 16s. 8d., in payment of money lent by him to pay for the livery of the lands out of the King's hands. 7 March 16 Hen. VIII.
	Copy. Headed in Lord Darcy's hand: "The trew copy of the indenture betwixst Henry Savell and Thos. Suttell, sqrs."
8 March. R. O.	1167. JOHN LORD BERNERS to WOLSEY.
	Has heard news this Wednesday, 8 March, which he prays to God may be true, that the French king has lost the battle beyond the mountains, is taken prisoner, is hurt on his arm, and has lost 10,000 men. Bourbon has lost many, though he gained the day. Feels sure that, if true, Wolsey has heard it. Received, the same day, a letter from Tuke with a safeconduct, to be sent to Bologne, for the Pope's prothonotary, which was despatched immediately. Calais, 8 March.
	They are making triumph in Flanders with shooting and fires, in consequence of the news. Will not do so at Calais till they hear the King's pleasure.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's good grace.
8 March. Calig. B. I. 98. B. M. St. P. IV. 332.	1168. ANGUS to WOLSEY.
	Henry's answer to the letter of Angus and the Lords has been received. Thanks his Highness for his good mind to the King his nephew. Has done his best to promote peace, and, according to Henry's desire, has drawn the greater part of the Lords from "the way of France and the duke of Albany's cast" to his own, not without great trouble. The English ambassadors have fruitlessly endeavored to reconcile the Queen and himself. Begs, therefore, that he may be released from his engagement not to meddle with her property, and that he may have Henry's assistance against her, if necessary, according to his promise. Has received no answer from the King of Wolsey touching the benefices of Murray and Melrose, which he desired Wolsey to procure from Rome for his brother, nor as to the bulls of the abbacy of Coldingham, promised to him when he was with Wolsey. Edinburgh, 8 March. Signed.
	Add.: "To my lord Cardinalis grace of Ingland."
8 March. Lettere di Principi, I. 158.	1169. The BP. OF BAYEUX to ROBERTET.
	Is deeply grieved by the late cruel event. Desires him to assure Madame (Louise) that he is more devoted to Francis than ever. This is not the time to lose courage. It is not necessary to surrender any part of the kingdom in order to obtain the release of Francis. The best way to preserve it, and to recover the King, is to use all means to induce the king of England to give his daughter to the Dauphin. If he be willing to give her, I would send into England to take security of him for whatever he promises, and I would urge him to the utmost. For, with the protection of England, you will not only secure the kingdom, but will give the Emperor such cause for jealousy that his Majesty will desire to make friendship with Francis by marriage; and if he should not do so, it will be easy to put such a burden on his back that he will be forced to set Francis at liberty. If this be the case, you may be sure that all the powers in Italy will declare against the Emperor, for not one of them would be pleased at his aggrandisement, and all fear they will become subject, as, indeed, they will be, if France is lost. On no account must the Switzers be overlooked, as their services will be required to prevent the Imperial army from invading France. The soldiers who were engaged in the present war must not again be employed against the Imperial army, because they are so terror-stricken. All diligence must be used in raising troops, as the enemy will lose no time. The Pope will do all he can for the King's release. The passes towards Italy should be occupied and fortified. The troops under the Duke will scarcely be able to save themselves unless you send the fleet to them. Rome, 8 March 1525.
	Ital.
9 March. Calig. B. II. 55. B. M. St. P. IV. 334.	1170. MAGNUS to WOLSEY.
	Since he wrote last on Feb. 22, the Council here have not been so clearly minded for peace as he expected. On the 23rd the King and Queen came from the Castle to the Parliament, and thence to Holyrood, Angus bearing the crown, Arran the sceptre, and Argyle the sword. Angus and Arran were reconciled, with which the Queen was not greatly pleased. After this, by Act of Parliament, and consent of the three Estates, the Archbishops of St. Andrew's, Glasgow, and Aberdeen, and the bishop of Dunblane, the earls of Angus, Arran, Argyle, and Lennox, with the Queen as principal, were chosen to have the rule of the King and kingdom, with special authority to the Queen, mentioned in the articles sent in his last letter.
	The Lords then told Cassillis to declare his credence from his colleagues in England, and sent for Magnus; but he had done so before Magnus came. Magnus therefore declared his instructions concerning the demands of and the answers to the ambassadors, and the order devised for peace, which Cassillis confirmed.
	Desired to discuss the matter with them, as he saw that some were not favorable. It was appointed that he should discuss it with Sir Wm. Scott and Adam Otterburn the next day before the Council. Gave the reasons in his instructions for making peace without comprehending France, viz., the nearness of the kingdoms, the sameness of language, the relationship between the Kings, the possibility of the young King's inheritance of the crowns of England and France, and the likelihood of his being preferred as husband for the Princess, if he "use himself" favorably to his uncle. Aberdeen answered that the peace should not precede the marriage, but they should go together. Instanced the peace and marriage at the winning of Tournay; and the Archbishop showed sundry examples to the contrary, and said if the marriage could be performed first they would leave France and take perpetual peace with England, but they could not without reproach give up at once their league with France, which has lasted 500 or 600 years. Understands that Cassillis will leave for England in eight days to ask for an abstinence of eight months or like time, without mentioning France; that meantime the King and Council, to save their honor, may send to France to show that they are so impoverished they must necessarily have peace with England. Believes the Archbishop will ask for a safe-conduct to come and treat for a peace. He writes now to Wolsey.
	Seeing how determined they were for an abstinence, not a peace, went to the King, Queen, and Lords, and told them that as the proposal proceeded from the instructions lately come from Francis, he was not sure the King would accept it, and he wished to know what surety would be given for keeping Albany away, and how he would be resisted if he tried to come; for it is not the abstinence that the King regards, but the safety of his nephew. The archbishop of St. Andrew's, and others, replied that the King should be satisfied about this. Has done all he could to persuade the Queen and Council to agree to the peace, either perpetual or temporal, as devised by Wolsey, and for that purpose has shown many of the nobles the Pope's brief, and told them of Henry's good will to his nephew, and the Pope's also, for Henry's sake. Has also done the best cheer he could to the nobles, and often had 10 or 12 bishops, earls, and barons with him at once. The archbishop of St. Andrew's has kept a great house since Christmas, to his pain by reason of cost. He says he intends to entertain the Lords so as to conduce to the weal of the King and the pleasure of the king of England.
	The Queen entertains Angus with good countenance, but urges him to consent to a divorce without informing Henry or Wolsey. Heard this from Angus.
	Is sorry to say anything against the Queen, but neither he nor Radcliff ever found her favorably disposed, unless when she wanted money. Whenever he has written of any good appearance, he has found the contrary soon after. This has done much harm, but all will be well if promises are kept, as he thinks they will be, by the archbishop of St. Andrew's. His Lordship asks Wolsey to remember the reformation of the exemption of Glasgow from his see. Has often written that he has been in fear of his staying here, on account of the Queen's displeasure. Her servants, whom she commanded to resort to him at his first coming, are discharged on suspicion of disclosing secrets, which they have not done. Since she received Henry's last letters she will not look upon him, or allow the King to speak with him. His safe-conduct will expire in 26 days, and he wishes for orders to return. Is spending the King's money and his own to no purpose. Some say, "This Englishman doth no good amongst us, and hath no care though one of us beat down another, for we would be of the same mind and opinion if we were in England."
	Others think, by reason of his being here so long, that the king of England is bare of friends, and will set much by their favor.
	Angus wishes to know what is done about ensuring Coldingham to his brother William. They are fast to the King and Wolsey, next to their own master. He says openly that, his master not offended, he will serve Henry against any prince. His good entertainment from England is much esteemed here, though the Queen is not pleased.
	When the King and Queen came out of the castle to meet the Lords, Harry Stewarde attended the Queen, as he had done for two or three days; but "after having dangerous countenance and better counsel," went privily with two of his brethren to Stirling Castle. The earl of Murray, the bishop of Ross, the earl of Eglinton, and another have departed.
	Last Monday night the Lords, with many men, lay about the Abbey, suspecting that the King was to be conveyed away,—some say to the sea, some to Dunbar, some to Stirling. Mark Carre was taken and kept in ward for a night and a day, but was set free by the King's orders. The King and Queen are now lying in the midst of the town. Has kept this letter three days, waiting for my lord of St. Andrew's letter. Edinburgh, 9 March.
	Hol., pp. 7. Add.: To my lord Legate's good grace. Endd.
9 March. Calig. B. VI. 425. B. M.	1171. JAMES [BETON], PRIMATE OF SCOTLAND, to WOLSEY.
	Wrote to him on the 20th February some part of what he had done with the Lords who were minded to fulfil Henry's will for his nephew's surety. Believes Wolsey has a copy of the agreement between the Queen and Lords, which has been confirmed at this hour by Parliament, as the abbot of Cambuskenneth can certify. In this last Parliament, certain Lords are chosen, the Queen being the principal, to have the rule of the King and kingdom; but it is difficult to keep him from the advice of evil councillors, as Magnus can write, who exerts himself for the weal of both realms according to the articles presented by the earl of Cassillis.
	At the Queen's instance the Council has sent to Henry for a truce till All Hallows, preparatory to a final peace. Will do his best to promote it, as he will explain to Cassillis, "quha cumis schortly in that realm." Desires a safe-conduct for himself and 100 persons into England, as he has written to the abbot of Cambuskenneth, by whom he is glad to understand that neither Henry, Wolsey, nor the English ambassador at Rome made any solicitation for the exemption of Glasgow from the see of St. Andrew's. "I am rycht desyrous yat I ma be yar'thro' addettit to zour grace, and giff it lykit ye samyn decorat my simpilnes with offices and faculteis, is has bene commonit of befor', yat wald gyff me greit occasioun to mak trew and afauld service to the Kinges hienes." Edinburgh, 9 March 1524. Signed.
	Pp. 2. Add.: "To my lord Cardinalis grace of Zorke."
10 March. R. O.	1172. BOURBON to WOLSEY.
	Has received his letters of Jan. 15 by Russell. Thanks Wolsey for his good intentions. Since that time God has given them a great victory, and he has been consulting with Russell about what is necessary to bring matters to a close. Milan, 10 March. Signed.
	Fr., p. 1. Add.: A Mons. &c. le Cardinal legat d'Angleterre. Endd.
R. O.	2. Duplicate of the above. Signed.
	Add. Endd.
10 March. R. O.	1173. BOURBON to HENRY VIII.
	To the same effect. Milan, 10 March. Signed.
	Fr., p. 1. Add.
Vit. B. VII. 76. B. M.	2. Duplicate of the preceding. Signature cut off.
11 March. Calig. B. I. 72. B. M.	1174. ARGYLL to MAGNUS.
	The object of his letters last sent to the Lords of the Secret Council is accomplished, as this bearer, Magnus's servant, has written. His uncle, the Treasurer, has shown him Magnus's writings touching the delivery of Dougal Campbal, his servant, for which he thanks him; and prays that he may be delivered to the king of England and my lord Legate. Prays for Magnus's convalescence. Edinburgh, 11 March. Signed.
	Add.: "To ane rycht honorable," &c. "friend, Mr. Thomas Magnus, archiden of Estriden, conselor to the kingis grace of Ingland."
	At the beginning is written, in a different hand, "From therle of Ergile."
11 March. Vit. B. VII. 77. B. M. Ellis, 2 Ser. I. 297.	1175. RUSSELL to [HENRY VIII.]
	[Received a letter] from Wolsey, ordering him to go to Bourbon. Would have been here long before, but could not pass Albany's company. When he heard of the battle, went thither by post. Bourbon is determined to follow up his enterprise, and says, if Henry pleases, he will set the French crown on his head shortly; that more may be done now with 100,000 cr. than before with 500,000 cr., because the King and most of the nobles and captains are slain or taken. He asks Henry to promise payment for 12,000 foot and 500 men-at-arms for two months, which will amount to 200,000 cr., and he will find one month's wages when in France. He will then enter by Dolfine, for he cannot bring the artillery out of Italy by Savoy and Bourgoigne; and if Henry wishes him to invade France, he will trust the King, but no one else; for if the money is to be paid by the Viceroy or others in these parts, he will be treated as he was in Provence, and he would rather die than suffer such dishonor again. He will, however, observe his promises to the King and Emperor to the best of his power; but if he passes by Bourgoigne he does not know how his artillery will be able to follow, unless the Archduke allow him to have some from Brisack in countie Ferrat, where he has good store. If the Archduke grant it, men must be levied there to convey it; he, therefore, wishes the King to ask the Emperor for some of the pieces taken from the French, with which he can enter through Dolfine. He has with him the men who have already beaten the French, which will be a great advantage, as they are much feared. He is anxious to know where Henry's army will enter, that he may meet it, and he thinks the King's own person would do much. Diligence must be used that the French may have no leisure to provide, and they are now without good captains.
	The Imperialists intended to have attacked Francis in his camp early in the morning, each with a white shirt over his harness; but the King heard of it before mi[dnight], and drew up his army in the plain outside the camp, so that the Imperialists, instead of finding them encamped, met them marching towards them in good order, with for[ty] pieces of artillery, which did much hurt. The King blames his Swiss for losing the battle, by not doing their duty. The lanceknights fought very well against their own nation, and but few escaped. Ric. de la Poole, their captain, was slain. Of 1,400 men-at-arms, not more than iiij[c.] escaped. It is said that 1,200 men were slain, besides many who were drowned in the Tyzyne. There are 10,000 prisoners. To the "rascalls" Bourbon has given passports, but he has bound the gentlemen and captains not to bear harness in France for twelve months, the other men of war for five months, and the rest for three. As to the great persons, it is agreed that none shall be put to ransom until they know the pleasure of the Emperor and King. Of the Imperialists, not more than 1,500 men were lost. Bourbon is highly praised for his manly conduct. If he had not been there a truce would have been taken.
	Bourbon says that now is the time for the King to obtain all his inheritance; he does not say this for the recovery of his own, but he considers that Henry will get by a peace some part of his right, and doubts not that he shall also be restored to his; but still he thinks it better to take and enjoy all. Mons. Dalazon is the only French nobleman escaped, and very few French besides those who were in Milan. The Spaniards pursued them nearly 100 miles, killing without mercy. Would have written before, but he is waiting for the departure of Sir Gregory, who has a safe-conduct to pass through France with the Pope's ambassador. For greater [safety] sends a duplicate by post through Almaine. Endorses the na[mes] of the great personages taken or slain. Milan, 11 March. Signed.
	Pp. 5, mutilated.
11 March. R. O.	1176. RUSSELL to [WOLSEY].
	Gives an account of the battle of Pavia as in his letters of the 13th. Had written from Rome, before the battle, that it would be difficult for him to pass the duke of Albany's forces, but repaired towards Bourbon whenever he had news of it. Though his instructions "stood to small effect," declared the best of them to Bourbon, enlarging upon the good mind of the King, for which he was very glad. Would have written before, but is waiting for Sir Gregory, who will obtain a safe-conduct to pass through France with the Pope's ambassador. Sends also a post with copies lest the safe-conduct should not serve him. Encloses a list of the great personages taken or slain. Milan, 11 March. Signed.
	Imperfect at the commencement. (fn. 6) Pp. 3. Endd.
12 March. Ep. III., inter Eras. Ep. ed. 1642.	1177. JOHN LUD. VIVES to HENRY VIII.
	Exhorts him to a magnanimous course on the capture of Francis I., and not to pluck out one of the eyes of all Europe. Describes the consternation occasioned in France by this event, and the melancholy anticipations of the French, which excite compassion everywhere. If the King and the Emperor send ambassadors to comfort the people, and assure them they will allow of no violence, both Princes will be gladly received. Written in Oxford, amidst the studies and leisure of a scholar. 12 March 1525.
	Lat.
12 March. Vit. B. VII. 83. B. M. Ellis, 2 Ser. I. 303.	1178. PACE to [WOLSEY].
	Has been in a continual fever these 10 days and nights, but it is now decreased, and the physicians give him hope of his life. Is so enfeebled that he does not expect ever to be able to ride up and down as before, and therefore asks Wolsey to obtain the King's leave for his return. The French king is in the castle of Pizigatone, in the custody of capt. Alarcon, a Spaniard, and a very sad man. He has with him 200 men-at-arms and "oon thowsand and ... iij^c fotemen Spaniards." Albany is near Civita Vecchia, probably intending to steal away by sea into Provence. Hears that Ric. de la Pole was slain. Venice, 12 March. Signed.
	P. 1, mutilated.
12 March. R. O.	1179. The MARQUIS OF PESCARA to WOLSEY.
	Desires credence for Gregory de Casale. Milan, 12 March 1525. Signed.
	Ital., p. 1. Add. Endd.
12 March. R. O. Rym. XIV. 128.	1180. FRANCIS DUKE OF MILAN to HENRY VIII.
	Desires credence for Gregory Casale, who is returning. Owes his life and fortunes to the King. Milan, 12 March 1525. Signed.
	Lat., p. 1. Add. Endd.: The xii^th of March 1525.
12 March. R. O. Rym. XIV. 128.	1181. THE SAME to WOLSEY.
	To the same effect. Milan, 12 March 1525. Signed.
	Lat., p. 1. Add. Endd.
12 March. R. O.	1182. The LORDS OF THE SECRET COUNCIL OF SCOTLAND to HENRY VIII.
	Thank him for the love and kindness displayed in his letters to the King, Queen and themselves, by Cassillis, and in the reports of the said Earl and Magnus. By the Queen's advice have sent instructions to Cassillis and his colleagues to show the King their mind, and to treat for abstinence of war. Beg him to accept these instructions in good sort, and not to think they are dissimulating to help outward realms. If good and reasonable ways are not treated between him and the French king, they can, without reproach, help themselves on just causes, and before the expiration of the abstinence a perpetual or temporal peace may be labored for. Have perceived his great love to their King, and never wished anything to Henry's displeasure, nor do they desire to circumvent him by this abstinence. Under the King's signet, Edinburgh, 12 March. Signed by Hepburn, secretary.
	P. 1. Add. Endd.
13 March. R. O.	1183. JAMES V. to HENRY VIII.
	Thanks him for his loving letters by Cassillis, and for his and Magnus's report. Will be of similar good mind to the King. Sends Cassillis, the bearer, that he, with the other ambassadors in England, may treat for an abstinence of war. Edinburgh, 13 March. Signed.
	P. 1. Add. Endd.
13 March. R. O.	1184. RUSSELL to [WOLSEY].
	Has presented his letters to Bourbon, who received them very well. Gives the same account of the battle of Pavia as in his letter to the King. Milan, 13 March. Signed.
	Pp. 3. Endd.
13 March. R. O. St. P. VI. 406.	1185. RUSSELL to [HENRY VIII.]
	Similar in substance to his letter of 11 March. Milan, 13 March. Signed.
13 March. R. O.	1186. HESDIN to WOLSEY.
	Has received a letter from Tuke, of which he has doubtless been informed. Thanks the King and Wolsey for their offers. "Je suis tousjours en tribulation et ne se voeult co[ntenter] Madame a l'instance et requeste du bon sieur de Hocstr[ates]," to whom Wolsey owes no obligation, "ny le mond[e p]areillement." Hochstrate annoys him as much as he can, without telling him the reason. His entire confidence is in the King and Wolsey. Is grieved that matters are in their present state. Had always feared it, knowing the conduct and desires of certain people "de decha." Hopes Wolsey will do all he can to preserve the friendship between England and the Emperor. Has also written to Tuke. Anvers (Antwerp), 13 [Ma]rs. Signed.
	Fr., pp. 2. Add.: Legat & primat d'Angleterre. Endd.
15 March. Masters' MS. f. 272.	1187. LUD. VIVES to WOLSEY.
	"He shows that at Oxford 'juventutem omnem indies ad solidas et veras disciplinas fieri animatiorem. Ego quum sua sponte currentes exhortor, hoc soleo uti stimulo, R^ma D. T., etc. Hinc jam cœptus est Albertus ejici, datis a me quæstionibus, de quibus non jucundius modò disputetur, sed fructuosius. Tum in dialectica et reliqua philosophia multas illis ademi pravas opiniones ex judiciis corruptis. Nihil non debent D. T. Ill^mæ, cui ego debeo omnia.'" Oxford, 15 March 1524.
	Abstract. (fn. 7)
15 March. Calig. B. VI. 422. B. M. St. P. IV. 340.	1188. JAMES [BETON], PRIMATE OF SCOTLAND, to WOLSEY.
	Thanks him for his letter dated Bridewell, 8 March, by which it appears he has urged Henry to get him promoted to higher dignities. Finding his King governed by the counsel of sober persons of little wit and experience, has done his best to remedy the disorder. Not having been able to establish perfect peace between the realms, they have concluded an abstinence for the whole summer. Will do his utmost to make it the foundation of a perpetual peace. Edinburgh, 15 March 1524. Signed.
	Add.
15 March. Vesp. C. III. 19. B. M. Ellis, I Ser. I. 260.	1189. SAMPSON to WOLSEY.
	On the 10th of March news came of the battle of Pavia, fought on the Emperor's birthday, when he completed his 25th year. I was with his Majesty, and congratulated him on the event. He said he rejoiced for three things: that God had given him, who was a sinner, this victory, and in God's strength he intended to rule. Secondly, because it would enable him to establish universal peace in Christendom, to reform the Christian faith, and employ his travails in the service of God. Thirdly, because this victory would be more profitable to his friends than himself. These words were set off with great moderation and sincerity. There was no appearance of arrogancy in him, but with humble visage he referred everything to God. This, I think, will induce God to give him another victory. I think I have learnt more by this moderation than all the books I ever read. Immediately after hearing the news, I am told, he entered alone into his chamber, and kneeled for a good space, giving thanks to God; and whereas he was advised to make some great triumph for this victory, he expressly refused. Next day he went in procession to a chapel of Our Lady, in a cape of black frieze, and said at his departure, "Now shall we go to have a solemn mass, giving thanks to God; and I would that we should make it much more solemn with good inward devotion than with any manner of outward pomp."
	Gives an account of the sermon. There was no money in the Emperor's camp, no food, and no clothing. The same night the French king was advertised that the Emperor's camp intended to leave the field; on which the French camp prepared to pursue them, but was astonished at their boldness when they saw them enter. This was done with the advice of Pescara. When the Emperor was advised to wear some fresh raiment, to show his joy, he refused. He commanded the preacher to refer the victory to the goodness of God. He assured me that the King should always find him faithful to his promises. Madrid, 15 March.
	Hol. Add.
15 March. R. O.	1190. SAMPSON to WOLSEY.
	"Now at this gratulation to the Emperor's majesty," he used as good words of the King as any prince might do, saying that he would not believe any reports about him till they were evidently true. But he feels less bound to Wolsey for three reasons: first, that now, in the time of most fervent war, when the French king is in prison, Joachin has been so long retained in England that his friends believe the King has forsaken Charles to provide for himself, and are now seeking their own security; secondly, he thinks it very strange that Mons. de Rieux was not allowed to speak to the King; and, thirdly, that his Ambassador's letters are intercepted and read. "This was (his Majesty had learned so much Latin) violare jus gentium." Answered as follows: that Wolsey had as much desire for the Emperor's honor as for his master's, but seeing that the French king in his necessity would be glad of a peace, he thought it a convenient time for such arrangement; 2, that De Rieux might have spoken to the King at his pleasure, but Wolsey had probably told him there was no need of going to him, as he was far from London, and Wolsey knew his mind, but if he had wished to do so, Wolsey would not have hindered him; 3, that Sampson doubted whether the last was true, and asked him to wait till he knew Wolsey's reason. He said "the other two causes might be colored, but this last was so evident that neither Pope or other prince would or should have done." Notwithstanding this, is sure, both from the Emperor himself and from the Great Master, who bears as good mind to the King as any stranger living, that he is as constant to the King as may be desired, so that Wolsey can conduct the matters as he thinks best. Several of the Council are much moved with the interception of the letters. Madrid, 15 March.
	Some say that unless the Emperor were well assured of the King's constant mind, he would have taken it for a clear rupture of amity; that unless those who did it were punished, it must have been "a prepensed matter," and that it is no less dishonor to the King, "that his most friend's ambassador should not be at liberty." They are all more moved than "the good Emperor." Those who are of the best mind say that Wolsey should accept the Ambassador with a new reconciliation, for the joy of this news and victory. "I writ, Sir, to your grace thus clearly to advertise the same of the truth plainly; for other towardness I perceive nothing in them, or any of them; but the more that is spoken in the matter, the more they be moved."
	Hol., pp. 3. Add.: To my lord Legate's grace.
15 March. R. O.	1191. BISHOP OF ABERDEEN (GAVIN DUNBAR) to HENRY VIII.
	Has received by Magnus his letters from London, the 8th inst. Perceives the King's desire for his nephew's security. Thanks God for it. Edinburgh, 15 March. Signed.
	Pp. 2. Add. Endd.
15 March. R. O. St. P. IV. 342.	1192. The BISHOP OF ABERDEEN to WOLSEY.
	Has received the King's letters, dated London the 8th inst., and Wolsey's of same date. Will do his best to justify Wolsey's good opinion, as he has written at more length in answer to Wolsey's first letters by Cassillis. Edinburgh, 15 March. Signed.
	Add.
15 March. Lettere di Principi, II. 159.	1193. The BISHOP OF BAYEUX to the TREASURER BABU.
	Is grieved at the late misfortune. Is more devoted than ever to the King (Francis) and Madame (Louise). Desires him to offer his services to the seneschal of Armagnac. Today it is reported that the fleet (armata) which was at Savona has reached Porto Hercole, and from hour to hour is expected at Civita Vecchia. As I think the duke of Albany will not be able to embark for several days, having to make provision of victuals, I inform you of the fact, in order that, if you wish to go with the said fleet, you may do so. If you come by the posts you will be in time. It would be best to come through Romagna, in order to avoid Sienna, where the French have done so much mischief that it would hardly be safe to pass that way. Rome, 15 March 1525.
	Ital.
15 March. R. O.	1194. PRIORY OF DAVENTRY.
	Inquisition taken at Uppingham, Rutland, 15 March 16 Hen. VIII. before John Byrd, escheator.
	Found that the Benedictine Priory of Daventry, founded by the King's predecessors, was in the diocese of Lincoln: that Alex. Colyns, the prior, on 20 Feb. 16 Hen. VIII. resigned his office of his own free will into the hands of John bishop of Lincoln; another prior has not been elected; that Colyns, and the nine monks who were residing there, left the house on March 8, that divine service has ceased, and the house is deserted: that priors of the house have always been elected from the monks: that Bysbroke rectory, Rutland, was granted to a predecessor of the said Prior by a former king, and the priors have since been the rectors thereof: that the church, &c. is worth 30s. a year: that the said rectory now reverts to the King's hands: that the convent held no other lands from the King or any other in Rutland.
	Copy, Lat., pp. 4. Endd.
15 March. R. O.	1195. THOMAS KENT.
	Indenture by which Thos. Kent, of Standon, Herts, yeoman, sells to Richard Langham, of Standon, gent., for 20l., a cottage and lands in Pukryche, Herts. 15 March 16 Hen. VIII.
	Draft by Cromwell.