Spain: June 1531, 16-30 | British History Online

Pages 189-203

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

Citation:

June 1531, 16-30



12–17 June.	747. The Same to the Emperor.
S. E. K. L. 853, f. 4. B.M. Add. 28,583, f. 216.	The Council, &c.
	Judgment given by the Emperor in the dispute between the Pope and the duke of Ferrara. The Pope exclaimed: "Maledictus homo qui confidit in homine," thereby hinting that the Emperor has not kept the promise he made him at Bologna; though it must be said that he (the Pope) afterwards explained what he meant by those words.
	On this occasion the Pope observed to him (Mai) that in consequence of the judgment delivered by the Emperor in the Ferrara case, the English ambassadors thought it would be now much easier for them to gain their object. The duke of Albany thought the same with regard to the king of France. However, after carefully listening to the Emperor's letter, which he (Mai) read to him, His Holiness came to the conclusion that the fault lay entirely with the bishop of Vaison (Girolamo), who, he said, had completely misunderstood his instructions.
	Indorsed: "Abstract of despatches from Rome of the 12th, 15th, and 17th June, to be submitted to the Emperor."
	Spanish. Original in the hand of secretary Idiaquez. pp. 7.
23 June.	748. The Same to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 853, f. 55 B.M. Add. 28,583 f. 285.	I do not wonder at people writing to Your Lordship from ' Castille that I act rudely towards Dr. Ortiz, for he himself tells me so to my face; he has probably written to his friends and relatives at home what he has often said to me. It is my fate to have always to dissent with such people. The cardinal of Osma, (Loaysa), myself and all the Spaniards at Rome without exception, complain of the man; (fn. n1) the Romans laugh at him, and I regret to have to hide his defects, for I have no great opinion of him, all those of his cloth being rather vain. (fn. n2) This good master of Theology fancies himself Imperial ambassador at the Roman court, and so, I am told, he is called by his servants and friends. Whenever I ride out he not only meets me but wants to have precedence over all the sons of grandees [of Spain], and even over the bishops who accompany me, comes close to my person and rides by my side. Last Palm Sunday he mounted the Pope's chair to ask for a palm for himself, as if he were an ambassador, upon which the cardinal of Osma told him that he was wrong, that he was no ambassador, though he presumes to be one, and then read him a good lesson for the future. Since then he (Ortiz) remains so far behind on all grand occasions that it is equally unbecoming (que es verguença). I requested him not to heed such vain superfluities; I would call him to all due places and honours; it was far better people saw that I had to send for him than that he should appear where he had no business to be. Another day, on the excuse that he had a memorandum of most important matters to communicate, he attempted to enter the Pope's chamber at the same time as myself. I resisted; he complained, and I was obliged to tell him that as far as his person and position were concerned I would willingly honour him, but as to taking him as my colleague in the Imperial embassy, he was to pardon me, for I would never consent to that. Another ambassador might come and replace me in Rome, who would certainly not tolerate such pretensions. Cardinal of Osma and myself have been trying ever since the Doctor came to Rome to drive those vanities out of his head, but all in vain. For my part were he to abandon his fantastic ideas on the subject I would treat and regale him more than my own brother, for I can assure Your Lordship that he is so touchy (tan de vidrio)—as most of these theologians with whom we have to deal are—that I am literally afraid of him. Three days never pass without his going to see the Pope, no doubt to shew that he is as interested as we all are in the good issue of the matrimonial cause. I laugh at him, though I can assure Your Lordship that his continual visits to His Holiness are far from advancing the affair, or doing any good. The Doctor has been repeatedly told that he ought not to talk of these matters before the thing itself comes to be argued, and on the article or articles which I myself will point out to him; but you might just as well talk to a post. However, let Your Lordship be at rest, I will bear this and much more, for I am already used to it.
	Though Muxetula has all this year preceded the ambassador of the king of the Romans, as well as those of France and England, and even Don Pedro de la Cueva, the other ambassadors complained that he was no ambassador at all, and ought not to precede them. I have always tried to preserve him in the place he took for himself. But since we are on the subject and Muxetula is going away, I do not hesitate to say, for our master's best service, that whoever succeeds me ought to be instructed to consult on all affairs, and especially those of the queen of England, with those persons commissioned by the Emperor, but on no account allow one or more individuals to see the Pope and state their own opinions, when he alone is the official deputed for the purpose.—Rome, 23rd June 1531.
	Signed: "Mai."
	Addressed: "To the very illustrious the High Commander of Leon."
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
24 June.	749. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 854, f. 26. B. M. Add. 28,583, f. 294.	Wrote on the 20th inst. advising the capture by Doria at Porto Farina of two Turkish galleys and one "fusta," laden with artillery, ammunition, and stores for Barbarossa. One more galley and another "fusta" were either sunk or burnt down; 160 Christian captives liberated, &c.
	Spoke to the Pope about the quartering of the Imperial troops. He proposed that for some days to come they should go to the lands "de los feudatarios de Lombardia," after that to Asti. Respecting his contribution for the last six months the Pope excused himself with his having no money at present. He still insists upon deducting from the first 10,000 ducats the 5,000 which Scalenga (De Scalengues) took, though this governor defends himself stoutly saying he has written home about it, &c.
	The Swiss Lutheran cantons are not so determined as it appeared at first to make war upon the five who remain faithful to Catholicism. This, notwithstanding, the latter sent an ambassador here, to His Holiness, asking for help. This was denied to them for want of money, but it was settled by him (Mai) and his colleagues in Rome that on his return to Switzerland the Swiss ambassador should stop a few days at Milan. So he did, and whilst there prothonotary Caracciolo assured him that if his countrymen only persevered in their religion they would undoubtedly be protected from aggression. Our impression is that as long as the Imperial troops are quartered at Asti, or somewhere about that frontier, the Lutheran cantons will not dare undertake anything against the Catholics.
	With regard to the Council the general impression here is that it will not take place at all. On many occasions has he (Mai) told His Holiness to be prepared, and decide what concessions could be made to the Lutherans. Has again repeated his warning, and the only answer he could get was that cardinals San Sixto and Ancona had been designated to study the question and report.
	Nothing new in the Scottish affair. The negotiations continue.
	There was a talk of Giovan Matheo [Giberti] coming to Rome on a summons from His Holiness, but on inquiry he (Mai) finds that the rumour is not entirely correct. Giovan Matheo is still at Verona, very much given to devotion (sanctimonia). The same fit seems to have lately seized Ascanio Colonna, who thinks of nothing else but hearing masses, saying prayers, and taking care of the souls of his vassals more efficiently than he used to do.
	Encloses letter from Rodrigo Nino with advices from Venice and the Turk.
	[Cipher:] No sooner did the news of Gritti's arrest arrive than he (Mai) wrote to Escalenga asking for details, &c. Told him (De Scalengues) that should Tarbes pass through Asti and protest, and make a row about it, he was to dissemble as much as he could and not quarrel. The Pope at first objected that this would be a cause of war with France because the Most Christian King would certainly take it as an insult; but up to the present moment neither he nor his ambassadors have made any representations, nor has the Pope himself spoken about it. In conversation, however, with Miçer Andrea del Burgo (fn. n3) he said the other day to him: "If this man (Gritti) should happen to make some important revelation, he ought to be confined to some place where he could see no one, and which would be unknown to the person concerning whom such revelations might be made."
	(Cipher:) Told His Holiness our suspicions concerning Captain Rincon and his journey to Constantinople, at which he was quite amazed. Took occasion to represent to him how little suitable such neutrality and secret dealings with the French were to him, and that king Francis would never be satisfied with the present peace, &c.
	With regard to the said Rincon both Miçer Andrea, who knows what sort of personage he is, and (he Mai) have written to the king of the Romans to have him arrested in case he should pass through his dominions. Rincon's person might be secured as though highwaymen had stopped him, and then be put to the torture to find out whether he brings any message [from Turkey]. This clone, Rincon ought to be secretly sent to some castle or prison, perhaps, too, sentenced to be garrotted, because, besides its being convenient that the affair be kept secret, he will thus atone for his many previous misdeeds. Acquaints His Majesty with this fact that in case the measure is not approved, the orders may be countermanded.
	(Common writing:) Some alarm has been felt both at Lucca and Siena, and especially at the former city, in consequence of the arrival of the duke [Alessandro de' Medici]. The Pope insisted upon a letter being written to Marzilla that he might reassure the people; this has been done according to his wishes.
	Recommends cardinal Matera.—Rome, 24th June 1531.
	Signed: "Mai."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
	Spanish. Original partly in cipher. pp. 3.
24 June.	750. Doctor Ortiz to the Emperor.
S. E. R. L. 854, f. 105. B. M. Add. 28,583, f. 287.	Has received his letter of the 4th inst., as well as the appointment of preacher to his royal chapel, for which he returns thanks.
	The allegation (informacion) of the justice of the Queen's cause goes on gradually two or three times a week, in presence of His Holiness, who is gradually getting more and more convinced of the absolute right of her case, and of the fallacy and deceit of the opposite party. He (Ortiz) told him no later than yesterday that though the cardinal of Tarbes had again assured him that a book had been addressed to the King, his master, in favour of the divorce, and he (Ortiz) had requested its loan for a few days he had refused to give it up, and left it in the hands of the English ambassadors. Should the latter surrender it the Pope says that it will be immediately handed over to him (Ortiz) to examine and report upon.
	Has no doubt that the king of England has been sufficiently warned of how iniquitous and desperate his suit is, and that he must ultimately lose it. Such being the case he is sure to devise as many dilatory expedients as he possibly can, and try and avoid having the truth made known and decided.
	Glory be given to God for the eartnestness and care with which He has inspired the Emperor in urging the celebration of the General Council so much needed by the Church as well for the reformation of the Clergy in general (todos los estados de ella·) as for the remedy of the great evils caused by the Lutheran heresy, for in his (Ortiz') opinion it would be exceedingly inconvenient that the harm done in these times should be overlooked, and the remedy entrusted to future generations. Should, however, the [common] enemy [of mankind] impede the celebration of the Council, it would be advisable to inform all parties and also all future generations through the press (por impresion) that His Imperial Majesty has omitted nothing that was conducive to that end, and that the impediments proceed entirely from other quarters.
	Complains of many reserves for bishoprics and ecclesiastical benefices lately decreed by the Pope without any regard to age, condition, or learning. Valets and grooms dispute with each other as to whom is first to go to Spain, and secure by force of arms or otherwise the possession of their benefices, so that in fact the administration of the different churches will naturally fall into the hands of those who arrive first. —Rome, 24th June 1531.
	Signed: "Dr. Ortiz."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
24 June.	751. Miçer Mai to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 854, f. 26. B. M. Add. 28,583, ff. 289-93.	Wrote on the 20th inst. by the small letter bag (bolgetta) which Miçer Andrea del Burgo dispatched, advising how the six galleys of Andrea Doria and four of Sicily had taken at Porto Farina two galleys and one fustee (fusta). and burnt two more. Though the Turks had time to escape being close upon land, 160 Christian captives were nevertheless redeemed, artillery, ammunition, and stores of all kinds taken. In one of the galleys was a standard (bandera) which Barbarossa was sending to the Grand Turk.
	With regard to the quarters of the Imperial army His Holiness says that it might now go to the lands of the feudatory lords (feudatarios) of Lombardy for a few days; after that he could not recommend any place except the Astesano, or county of Asti.
	Respecting his contribution towards the army he (the Pope) excuses himself with want of money, and says that certainly at the expiration of the six months he will give no more.
	Scalenga (De Scalengues) resists stoutly parting with the 5,000 ducats. He has now sent his secretary to Court, as he announced prothonotary Caracciolo and to us. The Pope, however, will not give in either, and seems determined to discount them from his first payment of 10,000.
	The Swiss cantons. A man has lately come from thence asking for succour. He has been referred to the prothonotary [Caracciolo] at Milan.
	With regard to the Council the rumour current here is that it will not meet. The Pope wonders why his letters to his Legate were so long on the road, and, moreover, having been told by the Imperial ambassadors to prepare a list of the concessions that might be made to the Lutherans, has appointed cardinals Ancona and San Sixto to report upon these.
	Two or three letters have been written to Scotland of late, and the affair is progressing fairly.
	Being told that the datary, Giovan Matheo [Giberto], now bishop of Verona, was coming to Rome, summoned by the Pope, he (Mai) made inquiries as he was afraid of some intrigue. People said that he came to go as Papal Legate to France, others that he had been sent for to establish certain reforms here at Rome. As, however, neither of these reports had any appearance of truth, he (Mai) went to the Pope and asked. He was told that in order to gain reputation with the Veronese and the Venetians, the friends of the Datary had procured his recall. He (the Pope) had certainly written three or four lines in his own hand to that effect, though to no purpose, for as it appears, the Datary remains still at Verona in an access of devotion (puesto en su sanctimonia). The very same fit seems to have come over Ascanio Colonna, who all of a sudden has become very devout, and does nothing else than hear masses, perform devotions, and attend to the spiritual comfort of his vassals.
	Enclosed is the copy of a letter from Rodrigo Niũo. With regard to the Gritti affair, as soon as it became public here instructions were sent to Scalenga that in case of Mr. de Tarbes happening to pass through Asti and saying something insolent to him, he was to forbear and dissemble as much as possible, and yet do his duty without minding him in the least. Indeed when the Pope first heard of Gritti's arrest he said that the king of France was sure to make that an excuse to declare war, and yet next day he said to Miçer Andrea del Burgo: "Should this man (Grittï) make any important revelations he ought to be put where he can see no one, and I fancy that by saying that the Pope meant where the person whose secrets he may reveal may not hear of him again. (fn. n4)
	Spoke to the Pope about Captain Rincon's rumoured journey to Constantinople, and told him that measures had been taken for his arrest, and that should he traverse the lands of the king of the Romans, he was sure to fall into the trap. Indeed Miçer Andrea has written to his master (Ferdinand) to have Rincon seized as if it were by robbers in the road, and then have him put to the torture, and when the truth is extracted from him, if it should be sufficiently important to shut him up in some castle with great secrecy, or else have him garrotted, because, besides this being the best way of getting rid of a man who has committed so many crimes in his life, as Miçer Andrea says, it is the only way of keeping the thing secret. He (Mai) is particular in mentioning these facts, because should the Emperor not approve of the measure recommended he may write to his brother about it.
	Lucca and Siena, but most particularly the former city, have had great fear of the duke Alessandro. The Pope requested him (Mai) to write to Marcilla about it. He has done it, and thinks it will do good.
	Cardinal Matera thanks the Emperor for the permission given him to resign his archbishopric; but as the contract made with his successor is that he will have, if he chooses, the right of retaking his benefice (derecho de regreso). he (Mai) could not without further instructions allow this.— Rome, 24th June 1531.
	Signed: "Mai."
	Addressed: "To the High Commander of Leon, the Emperor's first secretary."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
24 June.	752. The Emperor to Gutierre Lopez de Padilla.
S. E. L. 1,558, f. 34. B. M. Add. 28,583, f. 298.	Is much vexed that Giorgio Gritti has been taken prisoner in the way he has been, especially in the territory of his good sister, the duchess of Savoy, who has been much affronted in consequence. His orders then were that by no means was the arrest to be public, or take place in the lands of the Infanta. Has, therefore, ordered Escalenga (De Scalengues) to set him at liberty immediately, give him back all his papers, and excuse himself to the Duchess by saying that it was altogether a mistake.
	As Giorgio Gritti is the son of the doge of Genoa, his ally, and was coming straight from the king of France, his brother [in law], he (the Emperor) wishes to see him well treated, &c. —Brussels, 24th June 1531.
	Spanish Original minute. pp. 1 ½.
24 June.	753. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus Hof-u.-StaatsArch Wien.Rep.P·Fasc., c. 227. No. 27.	Your Majesty's letters of the 6th May and 15th inst. were duly received as well as the documents therein mentioned, and especially the copy of the articles and minute of the powers of attorney required for the prosecution of the examination and proof of the said articles. These two documents I immediately forwarded to the Queen, advising her at the same time of Your Majesty's orders to me as conveyed in the said letters. She (the Queen) was to shew the said papers to the members of her Council that they might meet and discuss this important affair, and advise the best means of arriving at the true tenour of the said articles. To this end the Queen having no leisure or opportunity (non ayant temps ne commodite) to assemble the bishops of Durham, Rochester, and Bade (Bath) has communicated with certain other doctors-at-law, who have found the said articles sound and substantial. It must be said, however, that both the Queen and the doctors start the very difficulty pointed out in Your Majesty's last letter. They think that it will be extremely difficult to have the said articles proved in Flanders, especially as relates to the principal point from which the good issue of the whole matter depends, namely, whether the Queen was, or was not, carnally known by the Prince. There might, indeed, possibly be in Flanders, as the Queen says, some English merchant willing to give testimony, but she knows of no other than Dr. Scoriaza and Esquire Brisillia (Bregilles?); these two can, if examined, declare having heard the King himself and others say that she was not carnally known by the Prince. I had proposed that the Queen herself should, by bribes or prayers, induce some of those who know the truth of this affair to go over to Flanders and make their declaration, but so great is their fear of the King that no one has dared to accept the commission. Indeed so great is the danger that I had quite recently the greatest difficulty in inducing two of her servants to appear before the Nuncio, and this was only attained through my assuring them that their testimony was only required for a secret inquiry which it was not necessary to make public. There is, therefore, no hope or means of procuring sufficient information in Flanders; it must come entirely from Spain, where, as the Queen tells me, there are plenty of people in a condition to bear testimony, and where all the papers and correspondence touching this affair may still be found in the hands of the heirs of Dr. La Puebla, once ambassador in this country. I have myself read and examined most carefully all those the Queen has in her possession, but there is nothing in them that can serve our purpose.
	After the receipt of the said letters I sent one of my men to Antoncourt (Hampton Court) to ask for an audience from the King, but he was already gone to Windsor and other places to amuse himself and pass away the time, accompanied only by the Lady [Anne], the Grand Equerry, and two more. For the last fortnight he has done nothing else but go from place to place, except on two separate occasions, when Jehan Jocquin went to visit him at Hampton Court. Yesterday morning the King came to London, and on his arrival sent for Jocquin, who immediately repaired to Court followed only by one servant. He was nearly one hour with the King, and on his returning home met one of my people and said to him: "I wish the King would leave me alone, and not disturb me in this manner. I must now go home immediately and dispatch a courier to France, otherwise I should have called on your master.'' By which words he gave me sufficiently to understand that the despatch he alluded to was in the interest of this king, not of his master, and as I think for the Most Christain King again to recommend the divorce affair to Tarbes before he quits Rome.
	I had made up my mind, upon Jocquin's return from Court, to go and see the King, but the duke of Norfolk sent me word that the King would not be pleased with my visit, owing to his having come to London incognito, accompanied only by three or four gentlemen of his suite, and being on the point of removing somewhere else; and that if my business was such that it could be discussed between him and me, we could easily meet after the King's departure, as he himself had something particular to tell me. Accordingly, this very morning the Duke very courteously sent me his barge, and I went to him. The first thing he did was to ask what news ï had of Your Majesty, and upon my answering him that he ought to be amply provided with them himself, so as to be able to impart them to others, inasmuch as the King had very lately had couriers from Flanders and from Rome, the Duke went on to say that the news from the former country were unimportant, the English ambassador only mentioning the rejoicings and carousings made on the occasion of Your Majesty's reception [in Brussels], and the money which the Estates had offered to Your Majesty as a gift. The ambassador, moreover, asked for instructions, and wished to know how to act, and what to do after Your Majesty had quitted Flanders.
	At this point I interrupted the Duke and asked him where he thought Your Majesty was likely to go according to the ambassador's account. His answer was that the ambassador wrote doubtfully, as no one seemed to know for certain whether Your Majesty intended returning to Germany or going to Spain by sea, and whether in this latter case you would embark in Flanders or in some Italian port. My reply was that I could furnish more positive information on this point. Your Majesty (I said) intended first going to Germany there to hold a diet, and prepare matters for a General Council, which was a very necessary step, and one most desired by good people of all classes, besides putting the affairs of Germany in order. The Duke greatly praised and commended that resolution as one most needed on this occasion, and at the same time most virtuous and praiseworthy. He candidly owned to me that the celebration of a General Council under present circumstances was marvellously well devised. Then he asked me whether my information came direct from Your Majesty or from private people. I answered that it came straight from you, and, moreover, that I had express orders to communicate the intelligence to the King himself. Hearing this, the Duke remained thoughtful for some time, and then began to say that all would go on well [in Germany] were it not for this controversy of the King, and that it was a great pity that such intimate friendship and alliance as had long existed between England, Spain, and Flanders should now be broken by your instrumentality. Your Majesty (he added) had done great injustice to the King, his master, by having him summoned to appear personally at Rome, a most outrageous and unprecedented act. It would have been very fortunate for both parties that such a marriage had never taken place, though (he added after a pause) it must be owned that out of it has sprung such a pearl as the princess [Mary], one of the most beautiful and virtuous women in the world. After which the Duke went on to state that the King for the last eight days had visited her twice a day, and presented his services to her as her due. He then contended that the cause ought to be tried here [in England], not at Rome, alleging in support of his opinion all manner of councils, chapters, and laws. I began chaffing him at his having so suddenly become so great a doctor-at-law, telling him that it was quite evident to me that he had of late heard much on the subject. That for Your Majesty's justification in this matter, and the merits of the cause itself, there was no need saying more for the present, considering that he must bear in mind what I had told him on other occasions, and, besides, that I had no doubt that his thoughts on the subject differed from his words. I strove at various times to turn the conversation, and divert the Duke from this disagreeable topic, but the more efforts I made the more obstinately he returned to the subject, saying that the King had sent to the Pope the opinions of the most learned doctors in Christendom, who maintained that the summons (citation) to Rome was a most unjust and iniquitous proceeding, and that the attempt made by Your Majesty's ambassador in France, to invalidate the opinion obtained by the King, his master, from the university of Paris, was a most unjustifiable act. He then recited part of what had passed between the Queen and himself, when he and other great officers of State called on her, and the answer she had given to their application, as I lately wrote to Your Majesty, adding that the Queen had behaved foolishly in rejecting the King's request and the advice of those there present.
	After this I inquired for the news from Rome, but the Duke persisted in saying that the letters of the English ambassadors contained nothing new; the only fact worthy of notice was that conveyed in a note from the Papal Nuncio, which he actually produced and began to read, stating, among other things which the Duke kept to himself, that the cardinal of Grammont would soon leave Rome, to the great satisfaction of the King, his master, for whom he had obtained the right of appointment to the greater part of the abbacies in his kingdom. The Duke evidently concealed that part of the despatch which no doubt recounted the mighty (terrible) efforts made by the said Cardinal and by the duke of Albany to obtain the Pope's consent that the divorce trial should be transferred to England, which request, as Your Majesty has already been informed, has been absolutely denied, for it would have been too great an injustice towards yourself and the Queen.
	Before taking leave of the Duke I spoke to him about certain changes which the London merchants had attempted to introduce in the customs, much to the prejudice of these Spaniards; he promised to remedy, and has since done so, notwithstanding the cry and opposition of the Londoners, to whom, after much reasoning and debating, he said in conclusion that they must abide by his decision, since so he had promised me.
	After all the bravadoing and defying of Papal authority, of which I have had occasion to write to Your Majesty, these people have only caused a small book to be printed in the form of a dialogue, which book I have forwarded to Mons. de Granvelle. It is so weak and colourless in itself as to reflect little credit on them, and is yet couched in such violent language (et si exspere) that it will turn rather to the Queen's advantage, for the moment the Pope is informed of it, as the Nuncio has promised me shall be, he will no doubt lose some of his former fears, and without paying attention to the King's threats will do what is just for the peace of this kingdom and of the whole of Christendom.
	I have not omitted writing to Your Majesty's ambassador in France to inform him in detail of all that has occurred here in the Queen's business, and in other affairs. I will continue to correspond with him in obedience to Your Majesty's commands, that he may stir himself in favour of the Queen, as he has hitherto done.
	No notice has been taken here of the movements against the marquis of Mus, for at the moment the English heard what was the cause of all, and that the Marquis' brother had gone to France to procure money or lands (fn. n5) in exchange for Mus and other lordships, they learned also that he had not been able to gain his purpose.—London, 24th June [1531].
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys.''
	French. Holograph. pp. 4.
29 June.	755. Advices from the Swiss [Catholic] Cantons and from the Lutherans.
S. E. L. 852. f. 137. B. M. Add. 28,583, f. 299.	A diet has been held at Francfort, which the duke of Saxony and other Lutheran princes have attended, as well as the deputies from the free towns down to the lake of Constanza for the purpose, as it is asserted, of making a league and confederacy against whomsoever should go against the word of God, as they call it. Zurich, Berne, and other Swiss cantons, which have embraced Lutheranism, have likewise joined the league.
	The French are endeavouring to settle the quarrel between the Grisons and the castellan of Mus (Gian Jacopo de' Medici), and offer to make war at their own expense. They pretend that the duke of Milan proceeds with too great moderation in this business of the castellan [of Mus] (fn. n6), and that they are much displeased at the Grisons having placed their affairs in the Duke's hands for arbitration, and concluded a treaty with him conjointly with the Lutheran cantons of Switzerland. In short, the French are doing all they can to have the said quarrel between the Castellan and the Grisons referred to them for arbitration, that they may have a further cause and pretext to intervene in the affairs of Italy. Lo Zuinglio (Ulric Zwingle) is now preaching at Zurich that it is allowable to help France and receive pensions therefrom, having decided that such pensions should go in future by the name of the "Money of Peace." (fn. n7)
	The French orator in Switzerland, moreover, is holding frequent conferences with the said Zuinglio, whose advice in these matters he takes. Both work strenuously for the peace between the eight cantons and ourselves. We think the latter wishes particularly for peace that he may have the money to be paid in consequence (per pigliare li danari de la pace.) The French having become aware of this, are thinking of introducing new schemes (fare altre nove pratiche). Should this happen we shall not fail to inform you.
	We choose not to desert (mancare) the Catholic faith in which we now live; but we shall be glad to make peace, provided we are left in the undisturbed use of our religion, in which we wish to live and die, especially since you write that His Holiness is willing in case of need to help us with 2,000 hackbutiers. We expect you back soon with a favourable answer.
	In about 12 days another diet will be held at Brengard (Bremgarten?). Do all possible haste to be at Lucern before the diet that we may arrange between us what our conduct is to be at the meeting.
	At Ulm mass has been suppressed, and the altars smashed (ropti li altari); the inhabitants are now trying to send away the brothers (frati) and the priests. There have been among them a few who moved to pity have taken home the images and the relics of saints to save them from the fury of the Lutherans, who call us catholics "Papeschi."
	It is here rumoured that the Emperor is returning to Spain, and intends no longer to trouble himself (impacciare) with the affairs of Lutherans or Papists, but to leave us to fight our own battles. (fn. n8)
	Italian. Contemporary copy. pp. 2½.
— June.	755. News of the Lutherans.
S. E. L. 635, f. 131. B. M. Add.28,583, f. 301.	Your Majesty knows already that the princes and free cities who follow the sects of Zwingle and Luther have held a second diet at Francfort, and although we have done our best to ascertain what has been resolved there, no reliable information can be obtained. Neither the elector of Saxony nor the landgrave [of Hesse] attended it in person, but by deputies and councillors expressly appointed for the purpose. The matter is kept so secret between them that although several other estates have sent thither their procurators they do not know more than we do.
	Yet on Monday last, immediately after the arrival of the deputies (procuradores) of Esslinghen, i.e., the notary of the town, and Motzbeck, the silver smith, the Council met (fn. n9) and sat for some hours, after which on the ensuing evening and days all the images of the saints were pulled down with great fury from the top of the churches, and the altar-pieces themselves ruthlessly destroyed. One evening one of their preachers, formerly a friar apostate, and married, addressed the people and admonished them to pray God most devoutly to restore that good and Christian prince Ulric of Wiertemberge (Wurtemburg) to his estate, of which he had been most unjustly deprived.
	The intention of these Zwinglians and Lutherans seems to be—as we have already informed Your Imperial Majesty— to procure by all possible means the restoration of the said duke, or else to bring the present one to their views for they say openly that this object once attained, and the Duchy converted to their doctrines, the success of their cause is ensured, and both at Esslinghen and in other towns of their league it is generally believed that they will be able to restore the said duke Ulric to his estate, whenever they please, and that they are determined to make the attempt.
	Indorsed: "Nuevas de la Secta."
	Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.