Appendix: Miscellaneous 1586 | British History Online

Pages 708-716

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 20, September 1585-May 1586. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1921.

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Miscellaneous 1586



A. D. 1586. Jan. 12.	Thomas Rogers to Walsingham.
	About Tuesday next, Charles Arundel goes towards the Duke of Guise at Chalons, unless there is news of the Duke's coming hither. He will stay but two days, and then go to Brittany, but he told me himself that he was going an important journey to Spain. The only man that he acquaints with all his practices is Thomas Fitzherbert, but he has much conference with him that was in England on Monsieur's business [qy. Marchaumont], who furnishes him with some crowns, and with Captain Gaye, who has promised to help him with 1,000 or 1,500 men in Brittany. Paget and Arundel are not yet made friends by reason of the sickness of Westmorland, who is ill of an ague, and thinks he shall never do it, for the Duke of Guise has been certified that a gentleman was sent from England to murder him, and was countenanced by Arundel, who thinks Paget made this certificate to discredit him, and will no doubt kill him, if he can prove it.
	Lord Claude Hamilton goes into Scotland shortly, the King having written urging his return, that he may be the better able to revenge himself upon the Earls of Angus (Anguishe) and Mar, whom he means to `ruinate.' Those here want him to make a new faction there. They have made him a perfect Papist, and he is very maliciously affected towards Angus. Durens, the Jesuit, writes from Scotland, from the Abbey of Sweet Heart, that the King is safer than before, and that Angus and his company are not likely long to enjoy their abode in Scotland, for Huntly, Hamilton, Maxwell, Lennox &c., will work their destruction.
	It is said that the Kings of Spain and France, the Pope, Duke of Savoy and Venetians have entered into a league for the invasion of England, but have deferred it for four months, on account of the state of Scotland. That the Duke of Savoy will come down to the Low Countries with 10,000 foot and 2,000 horse, under colour to aid the Prince of Parma, and then sail for England in ships brought from Spain or making at Antwerp. The Pope will pay 4,000 Italians, and the King of Spain 4,000 old Flanders soldiers. Westmorland hopes to be employed, and is therefore loth to go to the Duke “de Mayne.” They hope the more in invading England for that my Lord of Leicester is so busied in Holland, and, they suppose, with the best English soldiers.
	Dr. Allen has missed his cardinalship, and is told that no pensions will be granted; and the 3,000 crowns that Pope Gregory gave to the English seminary at Rome are taken away, so that many of the priests are preparing to go into England. Morgan and Paget have appointed Jonas Meredith, the late banished priest, to go to Rome to salve their credit, impaired by Arundel and his party; his charges to be paid out of the Queen of Scots' purse. Arundel has sent articles to get Meredith into the Inquisition. Cornellis is come, but the book of maps which Mrs. Tempest in London gave him ten crowns to buy, will be brought “after” by a Frenchman. There is great joy that Gilbert Gifford escaped your hands so easily. He writes that England is in great fear to be invaded. Edmonds, the Jesuit, writes that they hope for calmer days in England shortly.—12 January, 1585.
	Postscript.—Kemp, a priest, and four others, come from Rheims and going to England, say that Dr. Allen has written to Bayle to send most of the seminaries to England, by reason of the Pope's hard dealing, and the house being indebted 2,500 crowns.
	3 pp. Add. Endd. with notes of contents by Phelippes. [S.P. Dom., Eliz., XXIX. 85.]
Jan. 22.	Stephen le Sieur to Walsingham. (fn. 1)
	Recommending the bearer, Nicholas Tracy, one of the four gentlemen who have been prisoners there. His experience in martial affairs is not little, for he followed that profession in Ireland some years, and still intending to do so, came over, when he, his brother, and the other two were taken. Doubts not that if employed he will discharge his duty. He can tell many things known to him since his imprisonment.—Dunkirk, 22 January, 1585, stylo Anglicano.
	Add. Endd. 1 p. [S.P. Dom., Addenda, Eliz., XXIX. 87.]
Feb. 9.	Henry Kirkman to Walsingham. (fn. 2)
	Your goodness towards me I have found, “even so far as the reservation [sic] of my life and enlargement out of a most horrible and fast prison, as also by that means put from my living, and loss of a most gracious King and noblemen, amongst which that noble [faded (fn. 3) ] Braye [qy. Tycho Brahe] hath dealt so honourable with me that he hath said if I could possibly gain her Majesty's favour, the king's Majesty might be well dealt withal,” as heretofore his opinion has not been evil of me. To accomplish this, I mean to direct myself under the Earl of Leicester to gain credit, and hope by your means to obtain her Majesty's favour.—Hamborow, 9 February, 1586.
	Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XXIX. 90.]
March 27./April 6.	Solomon Aldred to Walsingham.
	Being prevented from writing at large by John Toper's sudden departure, I must yet signify what has passed between Mr. Gratley and me. I have supped with him this night, where he delivered me those things in writing which we were concluded of the day before, as his letter to Dr. Gifford and another to my lord ambassador; and I find he is minded to do such a piece of service as shall “throughly” satisfy her Majesty and you.
	“Dr. Allen is coming from Rome malcontent, and can get nothing. Parsons, like a wily fox, seeing the world is turned renverse on his side, hath put himself into St. Andrea at Monte Cavallo, into their spiritual exercise as they term it. It is a house where their young novices are brought up, and those that are in probation. Those his confederates did labour very earnestly to Dr. Allen to labour his coming out, and to affirm to the Pope that he is a member to the great advancement of the Catholic faith. Mr. Gratley's meaning is, before he be discovered, that he will go to Rheims and feel Dr. Allen throughly of all matters, and to set a faction between Parsons and him.” He is very careful lest his letters to you should be seen by your servants, through your leaving them in your chamber, after having read them; but I have satisfied him for that matter.
	I shall be marvellously disappointed by John Toper's coming [i.e. going] over, as I am assured he is of trust. I thought to have employed him to go to Rheims, and to have found means to deliver Gratley's and my letters, but now I must stay his coming back, for if I should go myself it would raise great suspicion, and I dare trust no man else. Pray dispatch him with all diligence.—Rouen, 6 April, 1586, after the French computation.
	“Here is coming over one Richard Lister, old Lister's son, that was prisoner in Rome, who hath brought me commendations from all my friends there.”
	1 p. [S.P. Dom., Addenda, Eliz., XXIX. 95.]
April 12–22.	John Nicolson to Thos. Gorges.
	Wrote to him from Paris, and left the letter with Mr. Ellis, a Kentish gentleman, as he could find no trusty messenger to deliver it to Thomas “Bikner” of Rouen.
	Has been driven by contrary weather into Corsica and Sardinia, and has now arrived in this city, where he stays only for the wind, and trusts to God shortly to return.—Marseilles, 22 April, new style.
	Add. Endd. ⅓ p. .[Ibid. XXIX. 98.]
April 20.	John Done to Walsingham.
	[Movements of ships.] I shall remain here until your further pleasure is known. Some men of this place have come from the coast of Peru in ships of Newhaven and Honfleur that were with Sir Fras. Drake in the Isle of St. Domingo. They commend his liberality to them, and say he prospers in all his enterprises.
	“Capt. Geroutte [qy. Jeroist] was greatly entertained of the Governor when he came to the Castle, who had great conference with him.”—Dieppe, 20 April, 1586, after our reckoning.
	Add. 1 p. [Ibid. XXIX. 99.]
April 20.	John Foxley to Walsingham.
	Your letters tell me that her Majesty liked of my affectionate disposition and advised that I should remain here [Rouen], for avoiding suspicion.
	Mr. Colerdin's letters and Mr. Aldred informed me of the clemency which Catholics have lately found, and that her Highness “is inclined to moderation of severity and reunion of her subjects in common society and assured amity. . . .”
	My opinion is that this prudent relaxation will make men oppressed more sure than any, and cut off the colour which any stranger has had to disturb the State, salving wounds already inflicted and preventing all occasions of the future.
	I have laboured to induce many, both English and foreigners, to conceive thus of your happy government. Some object the late executions, searchings, imprisonments and Parliament laws. “My answer is that policy teacheth no alteration to be in instanti whole and complete, but to proceed per gradus discretionis; some I satisfied; others I left in suspense. . . . I have often marvelled that you were not extremely cruel, and so I have said to many. Now that you stop the stream of passion with reason, I cannot write your deserved praise and renown.” This benefit of writing to you boldly I highly regard. Mr. Aldred certified me how willing you are to take anything I write in good part, and that you well like of me and my doings. If I could, I would make due recompense for this friendly information; but I trust you will perfect what I wish for him. “If Mr. Colerdin come presently to Rouen, he may deliver your pleasure to me, and my meaning again to your honour, of whom I think as of a noble friend.”—[Rouen], 20 April, 1586.
	Add. Endd. 1 p. [S.P. Dom., Addenda, Eliz., XXIX. 100.]
April 22.	[Maliverey Catilyn (fn. 4) ] to [Walsingham].
	I do not forget, right honourable, my promise to you of such service as might witness my duty to religion, her Majesty's person and my country's preservation, for performance whereof “I have hitherto neither respected danger of my life nor expense of my poor living, the defect whereof driveth me sometimes to a nonplus; for being born the youngest son of a younger brother, my portion was only seven foot of inheritance,” which has constrained me to seek my living hic et ubique. I have followed arms these fifteen or sixteen years, receiving her Majesty's pay, until of late “passing with Col. Morgan in the Low Countries, rigour and wrong hath been my portion, instead of better payment.”
	His dislike of me proceeded through a letter which I wrote to Sir Philip Sydney, forewarning him of some affairs so indiscreetly handled by Morgan as to endanger the knight's credit and hazard public harm to the place of his government. Morgan, perceiving some disgrace, and discovering the cause, not satisfied with depriving me of five months' pay for myself and men, sought to have me murdered. “So hear the reward of the credit I did him in and by those letters which in his name I wrote to you, concerning the whole discourse of M. St. Aldegonde; which, although the managing thereof was delivered as from him, yet, now being thus injured, I count it no robbery to challenge the thanks to myself, if anything worthy thanks was in that action done and concluded; for proof whereof, I appeal to the judgment of Sir Philip and St. Aldegonde.”
	And now to the fruit of my late weary travels. Not many days past I arrived in France, to open a way for my further entrance into matters needful to be discovered for continuance of her Majesty's safety and England's security. Coming to Rouen, I consorted with one Jacques Servile, searcher of Dieppe, and highly favoured by the Governor there. After he had, with French policy (as he supposed), thoroughly sounded me, he brought me acquainted with an Englishman, Thomas Myttey, one of the Papists' spies. “These two, resolved that they had found a feather of their own wing, as indeed I seemed to be, . . . told me that they lived in hope to see the Catholic Church flourish in England again, which I confirmed with like trust. Marry (quoth Servile), there lies a block in the way, which, till it be removed, we shall never have our desire effected. Tush (quoth Myttey), some one resolute man or other will at the last dispatch that matter. In conclusion, he began to commend me, . . . protesting that I appeared by all likelihood a man fit to be employed in matters of high moment; assuring me that if I would return into England again and fetch the commendations of Catholics, such as he would name, he would in the mean space procure me such credit and countenance as I should be had in no small regard with his Holiness (at which word they both did put off their hats), further protesting that by means of those mighty friends whom they would solicit in mine absence, I might make full account to be used, with the assistance of some others, for the accomplishment of the great exploit as they called it; but therewith they denied to acquaint me until my return from England.”
	Servile “useth” to pass four or five times a year to Southsea, landing at Rye with some petty merchandise for a colour, by which means he conveys letters both ways. He told me he knew Lady Allyn, and had conveyed letters from her to her brother Lord Paget; also that Tomson, a priest, steward to Mr. Roper, near Greenwich, writes many occurrants, “as an appointed secretary for that college; whereby it is most apparent that although many of the English Papists be absent in person, yet their practices and partners no doubt are present even in the midst of the Court itself; which inconvenience is dangerous; for assuredly he that is a round Papist is a rank traitor.”
	There arrived on this side not long since a monstrous longnosed gentleman named Chute; who triumphs of his good success before the Council at Greenwich, and especially how cunningly he behaved in private conference with your honour, so gaining your good opinion, as henceforth he dares to pass into England upon any enterprise; for you stand fully resolved of his honesty, “having permitted his return into France, for his further experience in travel, only upon the assurance of his fidelity; but in truth his vanity is so deciphered there as you need not doubt of him, for the subtle Papists do well perceive the weakness of his judgment and see apparently that he is not made of that mettle and spirit which must serve their turn.”
	I understand they have lately sent over a professed Jesuit named Jennyngs, an ingenious fellow. He was to land at Rye or Hastings on some great matter, but what it is, I cannot learn, for all important secrets are referred to my coming back from England, where I mean shortly to be, as well to be instructed in the execution of these things as to confer with such as I shall be secretly sent to; but before my coming I will write to you again.—Rouen, 22 April, 1586.
	Dorso.—Thomas Bromston, Cockett and divers others have embarked at Dieppe for England, to join in practice with another, their avantcourier, whom I have touched on “in the contents hereof.”
	Signature defaced. Endd. “M. Cat.” 2½ pp. [S.P. Dom., Addenda, Eliz., XXIX. 101.]
April 14–24.	Solomon Aldred to Walsingham.
	I wrote from Rouen of Mr. Gratley's grateful acceptation of your letter; also how Dr. Gifford had been sick and discontented. At my departure from Rouen, Gratley wrote a large letter to Dr. Gifford, persuading him to come away, and sent it by me, with the letter Gilbert Gifford had written to them both. At my coming to Paris, I dealt with my Lord Ambassador, according to your order; who got one to carry all our letters to Rheims.
	I sent Dr. Gifford ten crowns to bring him hither, and at his arrival made it up to thirty. He came on foot, and being wearied, I gave him my boots, spurs and boot-hose to return back. He was to preach on Sunday afternoon, “and his text was pax vobis, at which he made me to laugh at our meeting. After dinner, the scholars looked that he should have gone into his study to provide for his sermon; mused much to see him walk in the garden, for his mind was running from pax to guarra. Yet, not-withstanding, he finished up his sermon, and the next morning came his way without saying a word to anyone, but took leave of Mr. Bayly, who supplieth Dr. Allen's room in his absence, but told him not whither he went. He asked him whether he meant to return shortly again. He told him yes,” ('is') or he would signify the cause.
	Before Dr. G[ifford] arrived here, Mr. Gratley had found means to come without suspicion. I lodged them secretly in my lodging, where that night and next day they conferred together; “Dr. Gifford being somewhat green in the matter, though very willing to inveigh against them, yet very loath so to do it in such sort to put his credit in hazard; and hardly he could be brought to speak with my Lord Ambassador, though very willing, yet fearful lest it should be known.”
	The second night, I brought my Lord secretly to them, where his sweet speeches and friendly entertainment gave Dr. Gifford such courage that, as he has told me since, the more he thinks of it, the more forward he is to perform it; that he has five or six scholars of the best who will follow his course, and that “he doth not doubt to bring Dr. Allen himself into this action, after he hath set Parsons and him at variance, if it be your pleasure he shall so proceed.” I think my Lord Ambassador will satisfy you of the reasons why he comes not presently, as he has signified to him, and also delivered to him in writing, which I am persuaded you will not mislike of.
	Gratley “is so forward, that with great pain he doth refrain to declare himself an open professor in this proceeding, but doth bridle himself . . . that thereby there may be some notable piece of service brought to pass.” . . . Upon Gilbert Gifford's coming over, they will join in making a book to justify her Majesty's proceedings. I told him what a good opinion you had of Dr. Bagshaw, and that he should be delivered; “the which he was marvellous glad of, for he saith if he join with them in this action, they shall be marvellous strong, for that he hath an excellent good wit, and is not ignorant of the proceedings of the Jesuits, for that he hath tasted of it as well as they.” He wishes Gilbert Gifford might come presently over, that no time might be lost. I asked him what credit he had with the Spanish ambassador, to understand the affairs of Spain. He answered that very few Englishmen know his humour better, or could do more with him, “and that he hath been earnestly in hand to have him to live with him; but that in his heart he doth utterly hate a Spaniard.” Yet he has promised, if it be your pleasure, to remove from Rouen and come hither and employ himself that way, and “deliver to my Lord Ambassador continually the advice.” You may trust him, for he is at your commandment in anything.
	Knowing Roger Early, servant or companion to the Earl of Westmorland; and heretofore servant to Mr. Gilbert, I begged him to return into England. I found him very ready, but he doubted, “because he broke prison out of the Clink when he came away; but I assured him to procure means to salve that sore.”
	He told me he had dealt with the Earl to submit to her Majesty's mercy, and brought him to talk with me, who [the Earl] begged me to get the Ambassador to talk with him, and said he had laboured to speak with him, but he refused. I moved my Lord Ambassador, but he would not, till he had answer from you; but gave me leave to talk with him. “When he began to discourse to me of his lamentable estate, the tears ran down his eyes abundantly; he acknowledged his fault to be very great which he committed in his young days, when his head was green, and knew not what he did”; and said that if her Majesty would promise him grace, and a small pension to live on, whatever service she commanded him to do, he would do it so effectually, against the Spaniard or anyone else, that she should find herself satisfied for the past injury. And for anything done against her since his flying over, otherwise than the use of his conscience and to help his necessity, he will abide the trial.
	I dare not write my opinion in this matter, yet am bound to signify the truth. I know that Charles Paget and he were at words within these few days; talking of the favour shown to the Catholics of late, “Paget inveighed against that proceeding, and the Earl replied that if her Majesty would but give him any promise, though it were with a condition, it should be a very hard one that he would not accept; whereupon Paget replied and said the Earl talked very simply, for that her Majesty would not let to give him fair promises to bring him in to cut off his head; so that they grew more into words, and the Earl told him that if he continued on with these proceedings . . . he could not live one year to an end. He answered that in Paris no man could hurt by day, and by night he would be sure not to stir abroad.”
	And for Thomas Fitzherbert, for whom you promised to procure a discharge from the Marshalsey, but proceeded no further, from somewhat you heard about him, I stand the more in doubt of him too, “for when Bearden [or Rogers] and I fell at some words, he told me of certain speeches which he said that Mr. Arundel and Mr. Fitzherbert should tell him of me-which I was assured that I never spake . . . yet he said they would justify it to my face, but I knew his lying humour well enough.” He [Fitzherbert] has denied it all before my Lord Ambassador, and said he never heard any such speeches of me, nor ever had such talk with him, and has given me his letter to justify the same to his face. He has also offered to my Lord Ambassador to clear himself of any charge, which if he do, I pray you proceed with your good turns towards him. He has many enemies here, and if you give him over too, it were a great discomfort.
	If Mr. Foster comes not within four days, I mean to go to Lyons. I will omit till the next to tell you how I have been abused here, for that my Lord Ambassador has the matter under consideration.—Paris, 24 April, 1586.
	Add. Endd. 2 pp. [S.P. Dom., Add., Eliz., XXIX. 102.]
May 28.	Edward Foxley to Walsingham.
	Our friend's relation of your goodwill towards us encourages me to practise continually to deserve it. Aldred having told me that my Lord Ambassador was to be acquainted with our dealings, “I went with the other party, yet not imparting anything but our dutiful mind to her Majesty. I pray you, impute this rather to Aldred's simplicity than any presuming temerity; Mr. Gilbert doth by delivering your mind herein defend me from the like error hereafter.
	“Considering many informations against all Catholics, and some men's turbulent passions, . . . I cannot marvel, though your honour complain of treachery; yet by avoiding of bloody fury, God did frame your judgment with great wisdom, not to reprove all universally. I protest . . . that I have always borne as true and loyal devotion to her Majesty, my country and your honour as religion and justice requireth; and never dealt with and friendly and familiarly, otherwise affected.” You write “that my reconciling of some to Rome is as yet too fresh in some men's memory, for which cause her Majesty's pleasure was that I should bear my absence for a time. . . . I trust I have given no occasion of displeasure, for our reconciliation importeth an alteration and change of a man's mind from state of sin to state of grace . . . but they who suggest to your honour that reconciliation bindeth one to the Pope or Rome, excluding obedience to the prince or governor, are either grossly blinded or maliciously incensed; and if the flame of their foolish zeal were not qualified with your happy discretion, they would quickly make the realm an object to public derision. . . .”—28 May, 1586.
	Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XXIX. 110.]