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Aug. 26.
K. d. L. x. 757
(from another
copy).
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191. WALSINGHAM to GASTEL.
I have received yours of the 24th, and thank you for laying before
his Highness the reasons which seem to me of consequence to induce
him to accept the peace as it is proposed to him rather than give up
treating ; in my opinion the way to detach the provinces from the
King's allegiance. Where you write that he is surprised at my
exhorting him to peace, thinking that I had better understood his
intentions, and that I should do well to use my offices rather with
the States, I reply that his Highness did in truth allege various
reasons moving him to desire peace, and said that saving the glory
of God, his duty towards his prince, and his private honour, there
was no man that would grant it more willingly than he. But considering
that all these respects, to which in due time and place it is
good and reasonable to have regard, can have no place now without
danger of alienating the country, I judged it would be good policy
to accept the peace, joined though it might be with certain
difficulties and hard conditions, in order to obviate more dangerous
inconveniences. Even the greatest princes of Europe have in like
case been obliged to yield to necessity.
As for exhorting the States to propose more reasonable conditions,
we have not forgotten so to employ ourselves to the best of our
ability, knowing how much our Queen is interested in the affair.
We find now that it is too late to do anything more, because they
have gone so far in the treaty with the French, that in my opinion
nothing but peace will remedy the inconvenience. I am grieved
that affairs are on such terms that our intervention and diligence
has been unable to prevail further to the advancement of the
service of his Catholic Majesty and his Highness ; who is a prince
deserving of all men's service and honour. I pray you to assure
him that I shall not fail hereafter to use all endeavours for the
advancement of what will be for the common good. For yourself,
you will, if you please, account of me as your affectionate
friend and servant, as you shall see in effect whenever you do me
the honour to command me within my power. I propose to write
more at length before leaving the country.—Louvain, 26 Aug.
1578.
Draft, with corrections in L. Tomson's hand. Endd. 1¼ p.
Fr. [Ibid. VIII. 48.]
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|
Aug. 25.
|
192. Copy of the above, in L. Tomson's hand, endd. by him :
The copy of my letter to Gastel. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. VIII. 48a.]
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Aug. 27.
K. d. L. x. 762.
|
193. COBHAM to BURGHLEY.
A thankful mind will ever take occasion to make demonstration
when there is no great subject ; as I now do, in troubling you with
these scribbled lines. Of our proceedings with Don John, our
return to 'Lowyne,' and our stay here, you will hear by our letters
to the Lords. If he might, with the King's honour and his own
credit, he would willingly have a peace. He is forced to it by want
of money, plague, lack of victuals, and a general famine to ensue
within these two months ; and though the conditions are hard, it
may be he will not refuse them. By my next you will know either
of a blessed peace or of a most cruel and unfortunate war.—
Louvain, 27 Aug. 1578.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. VIII. 49.]
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Aug. 27.
K. d. L. x.
758
(from another
copy).
|
194. The AMBASSADORS to the LORDS of the COUNCIL.
On Friday last, the 22nd of this month, we departed from this
town of Louvain to go towards Don John. We went to bed that
night by his appointment to a town called Judoigne, which we
found all infected by the plague, two or three houses only excepted,
in one of which we were lodged and the French Ambassador in the
other. Next day, likewise by his orders, we went to a village called
Peroe [Perwez], which we found no clearer of the sickness ; and
on the day following were conducted by M. de Montmartin and
M. Gastel to have audience of Don John. He met us about an
English mile and a half on this side his camp, in a great plain,
being accompanied by well-nigh two thousand horse ; and under a
great oak standing in the midst of the plain gave us audience. We
told him that her Majesty having from the beginning of the civil
troubles of these countries greatly pitied their miserable state, had
sought from time to time to appease them by such means as she
thought might best serve ; having often sent her ministers both to
the King and his governors, to lay before them the peril that might
ensue through the continuance of the wars, offering to do all good
offices which may tend to the compounding of the controversies, and
avoiding the danger that these countries were in of being lost without
timely prevention. And to make the peril more apparent, she
acquainted the King with such practices and intelligence as came
to her knowledge that passed between the Duke of Anjou and the
States, sending him copies of such letters as made mention hereof ;
of all which good offices and sisterly dealing the King seemed to
make small account. This with other circumstances being well
weighed, seemed to argue that he had conceived some jealousy of
her Majesty's proceedings in the Low Country causes, and had not
made that good construction of her friendly offices which she looked
for and in reason he ought. The remembrance of this might have
discouraged her Majesty from further dealing in the matter, were
it not that as a Christian princess she is resolved never to be weary
of doing such good as may stay the effusion of Christian blood.
We said further that the cause which had moved her to assist the
King's subjects were only to maintain them in their ancient liberties
under the King, and to keep out the French, without any
desire to impatronise herself of the countries, as might appear by
the large offers of them she had refused ; which few princes or none
but she would have done. If she had not yielded the assistance
she has done, and used both persuasions and threats to
keep them 'from running the course of France,' the French would
ere this have possessed themselves of the better part of the
countries. So that if the matter were well weighed, we said, the
King had in some sort cause to acknowledge that he holds the
countries now by the benefit of her Majesty's friendship. Things
had come to such an extremity that the subjects here seeing themselves
out of all hope to recover the King's favour had resolved to
withdraw themselves from his obedience, having proceeded so far
with the French King's brother as appeared from their agreement ;
and unless he yielded to some speedy composition with them,
it was apparent to all men of judgement that the French King
would become lord of all that country. Her Majesty foreseeing
how dangerous this would be, not only to the King, but to herself
and all the other princes of Christendom, could not but earnestly
press him, as he tendered the continuance of the countries under
his brother's obedience, and the benefit of all Christian princes
(they being as it were the 'market and maerte' of all Europe), and
his honour, which would incur a great blemish if they were lost
through his fault, to yield to some composition, even though joined
with some hard conditions, considering the present necessity.
'Having delivered this speech to him, he' answered as follows.
No man was more desirous of peace than he, as his actions had
witnessed when he was content to throw himself into the hands of
the States, and to send away the Spaniards. He considered that
the country that was spoiled and the blood shed was the King's
country and the blood of his subjects, and therefore should greatly
forget himself if he did not incline to anything that might tend to
their conservation. But the conditions offered were such that
respecting as he did the honour of his prince and his own credit,
he could never consent to them ; especially when the limitation of
time was too short for a cause of great weight to be treated with
such deliberation as was expedient. The King himself desired
peace, and he as his minister could not in duty but incline to the
same (though the world perhaps suspected otherwise, as he was
martially given) if it were accompanied with honourable conditions ;
but those propounded by the States were very hard to yield to,
yea, if he were prisoner in the 'Brodehouse' in Brussels. He
hoped, therefore, that it would appear to her Majesty and the other
princes that he had reason to refuse them ; and he doubted not
that, the justice of his cause being grounded upon so many and
good respects, God would give him victory against the King's
enemies and their fautors.
Whereunto we replied that indeed the conditions were hard, as he
said ; but he was to weigh the necessity of the time which has always
over-ruled even the greatest princes and monarchs that ever were,
and the inconvenience that might follow through the coming in of
the French. The Emperor Charles, his father, being a prince
zealous in his religion, a man for wisdom inferior to none, and of
as great courage and magnanimity as ever any man of his calling
and quality, was yet content, in his extremity after his departure
from 'Isebrooke,' to yield to conditions as hard ; whose example
we said we chose to lay before him, though we might have alleged
many others, as that of a person whom for his calling he ought to
honour, for his judgement to imitate, and for his proximity of blood
to reverence. Notwithstanding which, and whatever else was
alleged by us, he would not be induced to allow of the articles
propounded, seeming most resolute to run any fortune and hazard
the loss of the countries rather than yield to them.
Wherein seeing him outwardly so resolute, and yet finding great
cause why he should yield, in respect of many wants, as lack of
money, scarcity of victual, the infection in the camp and country
round about, besides the States' accord with Monsieur, which he
fears above all others, we thought good for the better sounding of
his disposition to 'make shew' to him as though we despaired of
any accord, and therefore prayed him to give order for our
safe conduct to Brussels (though indeed we had no such meaning
to repair thither), saying that considering how he was inclined, it
seemed vain to repair to this town where his deputies were.
Having given good ear to this, he alleged, as we supposed he would,
some difficulties for our going to Brussels, being as we afterwards
perceived, loth that the treaty should break off. Upon this we
resolved, as though moved by his advice, to return to this town ;
taking our leave of him notwithstanding as though we utterly
despaired of any further dealing..
At our return hither we acquainted the Emperor's ambassador
with our proceeding, agreeing with him that he should write to
Don John that we took the matter to be quite over, and meant to
depart next day ; and therefore he saw no cause for his staying
longer. The States' deputies also for their parts gave out that they
meant to depart. Next day the Emperor's ambassador repaired to
us, and let us understand that he found by Don John's deputies,
being one Batista Tassis, Fonke, and [Vasseur], that he would give
better ear to our overture of peace, and therefore prayed us to stay
our departures ; to which we most willingly yielded. As we were
in communication with the ambassador, Tassis and another of the
deputies repaired to us ; whom, though at first they seemed to stand
upon hard terms, we found in the end, after some disputation, to
give an inclinable ear to the matter, whereby we are now in some
hope that our travail will take the desired effect. Of this we
thought well to advertise her Majesty and your lordships, hoping by
our next to be able to advertise either the conclusion or the breach
of the treaty.
As to the state of Don John's camp, the infection of sickness
there, and the scarcity of victuals, you will receive full information
by this bearer. [Louvain.]
Draft written by L. Tomson, with corrections by Walsingham.
Endd. 27 Aug. 1578. 7 pp. [Holl. and Fl. VIII. 50.]
|
Aug. 27.
K. d. L. x.
762.
|
195. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON.
Yesterday as we were about departing for Antwerp, the
Emperor's ambassador came to us and requested us to stay some
time longer, putting us in hope of some good fruits to follow our
travail ; wherein we are also confirmed by the conference we had with
Tassis and the rest of Don John's deputies, who came to us at the
same time. To-day or to-morrow at latest, we shall know what
issue the matter will have ; and I will not fail to tell you more as
opportunity of messenger offers.
Touching the state of Don John's camp and things here, this
bearer, Mr Jacomo, will inform you.—Louvain, 27 Aug. 1578.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. VIII. 51.]
|
Aug. 28.
K. d. L. x.
766.
|
196. WALSINGHAM to BURGHLEY.
From your letter sent by Captain Colborne, which I received at
my return to this town, I find that Venus is at present in the
ascendent in your climate. But when I consider the retrograde
aspects that the cause in hand is subject to, I can hope for no great
good. I pray God no harm ensue from it. I am of opinion they
are persuaded that we mean no good faith in the matter, and yet
are content to use it to make us more careless of their proceedings
here, which I fear is like to take too good effect, considering our
uncertain dealings for the prevention of it, unless we grow to a
peace, which is very doubtful in respect of the shortness of the
time, which Don John has greatly 'forslowen,' considering in what
hard terms he stands, as this bearer can inform you. In the conference
between us I could easily discern a great conflict in him
between honour and necessity. 'Surely I never saw a gentleman
for personage, spirit, wit, and entertainment comparable unto him.
If pride do not overthrow him, he is like to prove a great personage.'
Most villainous reports have been given out to him against me, both
by our rebels and fugitives here, and by letters from England, yet
I found his entertainment very good outwardly.
The States' camp remains quiet, and means as I judge to continue
till the issue of the treaty is seen. Don John's camp draws
towards Namur, being as evilly infected with the plague as this
town, or worse.—Louvain, 28 Aug. 1578.
Add. Holograph. Endd. 1½ pp. [Ibid. VIII. 52.]
|
Aug. 29.
K. d. L. x.
767
(from another
copy).
|
197. The QUEEN to the AMBASSADORS.
We have seen all your letters sent to us by this bearer, John
Sommers, and also heard him at sundry times ; and although he
has in many matters largely answered us, yet neither by your
writing nor by his answers are we satisfied on two matters of importance
which were from the first 'directed to you to be treated
on.'
The first was, to treat with the States to know with what forces
and on what conditions they thought it meet to receive M.
d'Anjou, having regard to their own forces and to Casimir's ; and
that you should so have treated with them on those points that
M. d'Anjou should not, by colour of aiding them, become their
master. In this we do not perceive what you have done, nor what
has passed betwixt you and the States ; only we see by certain
articles that they have agreed to accept Monsieur with 10,000 foot
and 2,000 horse for three months, with other conditions greatly to
his advantage. But whether their yielding to him with so great
force may be dangerous, we do not find to have been debated by
you with the States, otherwise than the articles have been delivered
to you ; to which you have made exception as to two or three of
the articles, but nothing touched for the greatness of the numbers.
The second is, we do not see that when the States imparted to
you their articles, you treated with them for their conditions for
a peace ; how it might be made more facile, or probable to be
accepted by Don John ; or at least what reasons you should urge
in treating with Don John. For as we know that in all cases of
great controversy, and reduction of extremities to mediocrities,
moderators such as you profess to be, ought to devise reasons and
arguments to moderate extreme demands on either side, so we do
not perceive in what way you have treated with the States about
that, nor what likelihood there may be of peace by those articles ;
in which we see no great alteration from those heretofore
propounded, nor that you have moved them to moderate sundry
extreme points in them..
And considering the end of this war must be had either by treaty
or by war, and that of the two without any comparison treaty is the
best, we would you should labour therein all you can ; yet so that
wisdom may so govern your actions that peace may be had to continue
with surety or at least good probability, and not depend upon
words without likelihood of effect, for otherwise it would prove but
the engendering of a new war. On the other hand, if the war
continue, though with intention to work a peace, how uncertain
that is, and upon what side it will fall, God only knows. And we
are sure that while war continues, either a great part of the burden
of it will be sought to be laid upon us—for so proof teaches us how
insufficient, contrary to what has often lately been avowed, their
own contributions turn out to be ; or else for defence of those
countries, the interest of them will fall to the Crown of France ;
which rather than it should happen we should be sorry to spare any
reasonable charge, so that we saw good assurance of a better
government of the affair by the States themselves, and how to stay
the daily defections of principal persons for one matter or another,
as namely of late in the matter of Champagny, and specially of de
Hèze and others of like quality.
And now that you see the matters in which we find lack of
answer, and what we would have you do, you shall have our answer
for which you have sent John Sommers, touching Baptist Spinola
and Palavicino.
Though it is well-known how it was agreed that the first moneys
taken up by the warrant of credit for £100,000, should be first
delivered to our use, so that the sums of £12,121 4s. and £5,000
lately borrowed of Baptista Spinola upon that warrant, ought to
have been reserved in the hands of William Davison to our use, as
Davison by his own bill given to Spinola appears to have meant,
and not to have been handed directly to the States as it has been,
contrary to the agreement ; and now Spinola and Palavicino require
our special bonds for payment not only of those two sums, but of
further sums intended to have been borrowed ; yet being earnestly
solicited to bear with this at this time in respect of the hindrance
that might have followed, if the States had not received part of
those sums, and did not receive the rest intended, and to give our bonds
to Spinola and Palavicino for their satisfaction for those sums, and
with so much more as with them shall make the sum of
£28,757 11s. 3d. considering the continuance of their great
necessity as reported by you and by Sommers, to maintain themselves
in this time for treating for peace, we are pleased on certain
reasonable conditions, as follows, to give our bonds for the
£28,757 11s. 3d.
First, we would have some better assurance for repayment than
hitherto had been given for other sums ; that is, besides such bonds
in writing as have been given for former sums delivered in ready
money to the States, to have also as a pledge some plate and jewels,
such as our ambassador may esteem to be worth the sums. This we
would have you do your best to obtain, as very reasonable considering
that the money ought to have been paid to us and not
delivered to them, and without such pledge we do not mean to deliver
our bonds.
Secondly, considering that we have been by the States' pitiful
request for the first defence of their liberties content to lend them
at sundry times great sums of money, and now have relented to a
further sum, and understanding that they are in communication for
peace with Don John, which we greatly desire to succeed, and that
the continuance of the war cannot but be to the ruin of their
country, while in regard to the treaty of peace we think that its
failure must ensue upon unreasonable conditions proposed either by
Don John or by them or by both, we would have the States give you
assurance in writing that they will not persist in any unreasonable
conditions such as shall be dishonourable and unjust to be demanded
by subjects from a king, but will be content to be advised by us or
our ministers in anything which they show the States to be unjust
and unreasonable, so that no apparent default may be found, justly
to charge them with obstinacy.
Thirdly, we would have them give like assurance that in case a
peace cannot be obtained in default of Don John's refusal of
reasonable conditions, they will not admit the Duke of Anjou to
have any such authority by his superior forces or by possession of
the country, as that thereby upon colour of aiding them he may
acquire any interest to be their lord, to the annexing thereof to the
Crown of France, and the disherison of the King of Spain. To that
purpose they shall from time to time admit the advice of us or our
ministers for the manner of receiving aid from France ; both in the
limitation of the numbers, and for the manner of his authority to be
used in the Low Countries. And upon these conditions made to
you by the States, we are content the required bonds shall be
delivered, not otherwise. They shall be made ready here and sent
as soon as possible to you, to be delivered to the merchants, upon
assurance given to you of the 'premisses'.
And though it is hard to inform you what part of the conditions
offered by the States may be misliked by you, considering we have
not heard what you have debated with them at any time upon the
particulars, nor what they have answered, yet on perusing the
articles, it seems to be that some of them will seem to the world
very hard for subjects to require of their king, however it may be
argued that the king's former evil actions by his ministers have
given them cause to demand the like..
First, it seems a hard demand to require, as in the third article,
that Don John shall depart with all his forces and adherents,
whereby noblemen, gentlemen, and people who are native subjects
of the Low Countries should be urged to forsake their native
countries or their dwelling-places and inheritance. We cannot
think that the States will persist in this, though the words of the
article import it ; but will be content so to order that such natives
as will assent to be united to the States as good patriots shall be
admitted to their inheritance and some such as are not translated
into Spanish natures be tolerated to remain in some mean charges,
whereby they will not be able to move any more civil troubles, but
be partakers for the maintenance of the liberties of the countries.
It is also hard, as in the twelfth article, that in case the Archduke
Matthias leaves the place which he holds, the king shall appoint no
governor but with the consent of the States ; for so his superiority
will be wholly abrogated, and he made of no more power than a
Duke in Venice, or a Burgomaster or Eschevin in some mean city.
But as it may seem somewhat reasonable, seeing the great inconvenience
which followed the former appointment of strangers,
especially such as sought their own greatness, as governors, that
hereafter, and now especially, persons devoted to the love of the
subjects might be appointed to the government, it might be allowed
that the king should at present agree to permit the Archduke to
remain, being so near in blood as he is ; and upon his departure
appoint one of his brothers or some other person of honour, given
to peace and quietness, as should be of the house of Austria or
Burgundy.
It may be also remembered that among the articles there is
none containing any manner of offer to make assurance to the
King of their continuance in obedience to him and performance
of such things as shall be by them accorded. Though it is
certain that Don John will in his answer make mention of
this, yet for the satisfaction of the world it would have been
convenient if it had been in some way offered by them. And
it seems not unmeet, considering that this treaty is being
negotiated by the Emperor, by the French King, and by us,
that it might be devised that we, being the three principal
Princes of Christendom, should be sureties or 'mainprenours'
for the States, promising the King of Spain to see that they
sincerely perform all things on their part, or we agree jointly
to compel them, so that the King in like manner observe all
things accorded on his part. And that we three might be
more bold to give our promises to the King for the States, it
may seem reasonable that the States shall deliver to each of
us two good and sufficient hostages for 12 or 18 months as
gages for the performance of the articles. And for the satisfaction
of the States it may seem reasonable that we three
should promise them our assistance for their defence in all
cases doing their duty in performance of the accord.
As for the article of religion, upon which we fear will rest the
greatest difference, not only between Don John and the States but
among themselves, being as we see inclined to discord, though the
article contains a reasonable provision in remitting the determination
to the General Assembly of all the States, it may be necessary
for the present to forbear all public exercise of the reformed religion
out of Holland and Zealand, and also all secret [conventicles] of
great numbers for the exercise of it ; wherewith the preacher
should be treated with, and either induced by good persuasion to
forbear, or for the time be compelled to silence, or removed into
Holland or Zealand till some better opportunity.
Finally for the performance of this treaty for peace, you shall
consider the points proposed by the States or demanded by Don
John, and wherein you shall find anything to hinder the peace, you
shall deal earnestly with the States in our name, that no delay be
made by them otherwise than may appear to you to be grounded
upon the maintenance of them in their ancient liberties with their
due obedience. To which two respects we would have you (as we
know you will) apply your endeavours to the uttermost, assuring
them that otherwise they may look for no further favour at our
hands.—Given under our signet at the manor of Hengrave, the
29th day of August 1578, in the 20th year of our reign.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson : From her Majesty, received the 3
of Sept. 1578. 5 pp. [Holl. and Fl. VII. 53.]
|
|
Aug. 29.
|
198. Rough draft of the above in Burghley's hand, endd. by his
secretary ; 30 (sic) Aug., 1578. M[inute] of a letter from her Majesty
to her ambassadors in the Low Countries. 8 pp. [Ib. VIII. 53a.]
|
|
Aug. 29.
|
199. Second draft of the same, with many corrections and additions
in Burghley's hand. Endd. Minute from the Queen's Majesty to my
L. Cobham and Mr Sec. Walsingham, etc., 29 Aug., 1578 ; and in
another hand : Sent by Mr Somer from Sir Thomas Kitson's
house. 10½ pp. [Ibid. VIII. 53b.]
|
Aug. 29.
K. d. L. x.
776.
|
200. BURGHLEY to WALSINGHAM.
I can but wish you patience, for I know that the 'tentation' of
this time in service is great, to serve so well as I am assured you do
and to find so small fruit in good answers from hence ; but seeing
we here can get none, though we 'endeavour ourselves' to the
uttermost, you must perforce bear with the same as we do, that is,
to behold miseries coming and to be denied remedies. This bearer
can plentifully report what we do, what we do not do, and what we
cannot do.
This marriage matter occupies heads here, so that it is the more
hardly digested, because it is both earnestly followed and readily
heard. The will of God be fulfilled.—Hengrave, 29 Aug. 1578.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. VIII. 54.]
|
Aug. 29.
K. d. L. x.
772.
|
201. LEICESTER to WALSINGHAM.
I am sorry that Mr Sommers returns without the satisfaction that I
am sure you looked for ; but such is her Majesty's resolution at
present. For my 'none' part I cannot be persuaded that it will
turn to her profit ; 'and I have dealt to augment this dispatch to
the more agreeable consultation of former counsels' as much
as lay in my small power, God is my judge, for no other worldly
respect than first and principally for the mere preservation of
herself and her estate ; and even so faithfully have I dealt as I
crave forgiveness of my sins at the hands of Almighty God. But
it seems her Majesty is resolved, and has 'disgested' all counsels to
the determination sent by this bearer ; which I fear will be a
lamentable resolution in the end to her and her realm, the rather
that in this cold dealing towards the States she also does not seem
to proceed any whit to the satisfying of Monsieur's expectations in
the matter of marriage, by which, though she had somewhat
'slaked' her dealing with the States, yet if she had been so minded
she might have 'stayed her own estate in some better terms.' God
only now must defend her and us all ; for I take it this will be
received as her last answer by the States and likewise by Monsieur,
and what good can follow, I little look for any. It were needless to
discourse at large to you what dealings there has been on all sides
to further this good cause, because so small fruit follows of it. This
I most certainly find, that necessity only bears greatest sway in our
arguments ; which is a heavy case. As partly may appear from
the letter sent post haste to you from Bury, written with my Lord
Treasurer's hand ; when upon some hard news from you of the
likelihood of the 'Frenches' prevailing too greatly in those parts,
her Majesty was content to spend anything rather than that should
take place. Now, 'upon other dealings more calmly that way,' as
through the earnest semblance of Monsieur's whole direction
under her favour and none otherwise, she is better persuaded of
his ability to direct all these causes without such charge as we lay
down for her, and so rests in assured hope that he will do nothing
there without her liking, though she assure of us further hope then
heretofore of his suit here. Wherefore I can give no advice nor say
any more than first refer our help to God ; next direct you to this
bearer and her Majesty's letter.—In haste this 29 Aug.
P.S.—I must tell you that her Majesty much mislikes that you
have not dealt with Monsieur's commissioners more directly to
abate his numbers, and likewise advised the States not to allow
of so great a force of Frenchmen as 10,000 foot and 3,000 horse ;
'but the first she most takes exception against you, for that
Monsieur seems that he was always willing' to abide her direction
as to both numbers and his proceedings on entering. You must
take care to solve this matter to her.
You carried a companion over with you that has 'played the right
jack' since he returned, Cha[rles] Arun[dell]. When I first
heard of his going I told some of my friends to what end he would
go.
I would you could make a peace or else hasten your coming
away. It is necessary, etc.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. VIII. 55.]
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Aug. 29.
K. d. L. x.
778.
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202. E. TREMAYNE to WALSINGHAM.
I impart to Mr Milles from time to time what I think meet for
you. I have also liberally talked with this bearer, from whom I
need not seal any secrets. Yet though leisure be never so scant
with me in this time of progress, when we consume half the day in
riding to and from the Court, and the rest not much better in places
not apt to write in, I cannot let Mr Sommers go without some few
words to you. I am never much called by the gentleman you
appointed me to, but when I offer myself, I cannot deny but I am
familiarly used. Upon the receipt of your letters sent to me by
Mr Sommers, I took occasion to tell him that he had got me many
thanks. 'Nay,' said he, 'you have got me many thanks, and I
thank you heartily for it.' 'I have goodwill,' said I, 'to do my best
to join you together in good friendship, as a matter very meet for
you both in her Majesty's service. But anything that I can write
is little worth thanks if it proceed not from you.' After this
courtly dialogue I was so bold as to ask him how her Majesty was
contented now with your advertisement. He answered : 'Now, very
well, and with none better than the latter part. That part, I tell you,
is marvellously well liked.' 'I pray God it may be well,' quoth I,
supposing it to be the matter of the marriage ; but he told me not
so, nor was I bold enough to ask him. But I asked his opinion
how her Majesty was moved to deal in the enterprise
of the States. 'By my troth,' said he, 'she is ever loth to lay out
money,' and added that he feared her money lent to the States
would be the very occasion to bring in the French. 'If she lend
them not money,' quoth I, 'or otherwise help them, no doubt they
must lean to the French.' Her failing them had already drawn
the French upon them further than otherwise they should. He
uttered at length what dangerous conditions the States had concluded
with the French, and that without her Majesty ; and declared
upon what proud points they stood with Don John. I answered
that it 'stood them upon' to provide for their safety ; and the
matter of religion put apart, the conditions were but what the King
and his predecessors had sworn to observe. The French King has
been driven to make peace with his subjects upon much harder
conditions. I found him in my opinion so untoward to like the
dealing of the States, that I much feared lest his advice would
hinder their cause. But I think Mr Somers will tell you the
contrary, who heard him among others deal as soundly to the
purpose as any man.
You are much beholden to Mr Jo. Mannors, who is as good an
instrument as he can to make your doing be well thought of. You
know his means, which at this time I am sure sure have stood you
in good stead. And albeit things go not so well as is to be desired,
they had gone much worse if his friends had been absent. He told
me, as a matter which he wished you to know, that it was looked
for that in your advertisements you should give more details,
especially in stating the reasons on either side touching their
articles, and what moves one side to demand aud the other to grant
or deny. The finding of this fault probably arises from the
'finesse' of some, who think themselves good counsellors when
they can say of other men's doings, 'This might have been said,'
and 'This might have been done' ; who, if they had had the
negotiation in hand, would not have done so much as was done.
I should not think it amiss if you were to write in detail to your
friend to whom you committed me. He would thereby not only be
removed from errors which he fell into from lack of knowledge, but
be better instructed to give his advice when 'it falleth in debating.'
What I say in this letter is without direction from him, yet meet
for you to know.
Before closing my letter I thought I would learn from your friend
whether of himself or by me, he would have anything said to you.
Speaking with him, as it were to let him know of Mr Sommers'
going, he told me he did not like his dispatch. Asking whether
I should say anything to you in that behalf, as matter that I knew
would be grateful to you, he said that I might boldly write that her
Majesty was now very well satisfied by your dealing ; and though it
did not take such success as you desired, she imputed this rather to the
weakness and instability of those people, than to any default in
your negotiations. 'Marie,' the discourse that you wrote with your
own hand was so much to her liking and so welcome that nothing
could be better. She showed it to him, and he took brief notes of
it, which he imparted to me ; so that now I can say, if my judgement
be anything, that she had just cause to like it. And I am of
opinion that the matter could not be better answered nor better
reported in your 'state of ministry' that you have in hand.
Of this latter part you may take notice, as matter appointed by
him to be signified to you. What you write of the former, you
must do it 'as carried by some matter that leadeth you.' And so,
stealing time as I can get it by fits, you must bear with it as it
is.—At Mr Kitson's house in Suffolk, beside St. Edmund's Bury,
29 Aug. 1578.
Add. Endd. 2¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. VIII. 56.]
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Aug. 29.
K. d. L. x.
776.
|
203. WILSON to the AMBASSADORS.
I am sorry you are to receive no better answer ; but you must
make of necessity a virtue, and say to yourselves that the world is not
governed by wisdom and policy, but by a secret purpose or rather
fatal destiny, unknown to those that are most esteemed in this age.
This resolution will not be altered, being first devised upon a
simple command without debate. Since being set down in
writing, much has been said against it, but no speech or persuasion
will prevail. This bearer can tell you more than I am disposed to
write, to whom you may give large credit ; for whereas you are
charged in the letter with not having dealt with the States, for
Monsieur to have a less number, or for the articles between them
and him to be moderated, he has of his own knowledge constantly
affirmed the contrary. And whereas it was said you did not
express this in your letters, it was answered that the messenger was
to advertise her Majesty of all things, the letters themselves
referring the report of these matters to Mr Sommers' own speech.
God grant you may procure a peace ; for you see how unfit we are
to maintain war, or aid those that are in danger.
For this matrimonial conference, I know not what to write ; let
Mr Sommers say his knowledge to you. If Monsieur is not to be
ours, nor the Estates our friends, to whom shall we go? To our
known enemies and to those that are sworn against us for our profession
in God's truth? Then the lamb shall be committed to the
wolf and what will follow but ruin and destitution? The bonds are
made for the Queen to sign. God grant after the signing you may
receive better letters.
Scottish matters are mostly well appeased, and I trust will hereafter
be better.—From the Court at Hengrave, 29 Aug. 1578.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. VIII. 57.]
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Aug. 29.
K. d. L. x.
777.
|
204. WILSON to DAVISON.
I have shown your discourse of peace or war, by which it is hard to
judge what will be the end. Meantime, we are very loth to yield
to the bonds but upon certain conditions, which you will understand
by Mr Sommers, as also by the letter signed by her Majesty.
Nothing is fit for us but peace ; which God grant may be had, or
our case will be hard hereafter. If Monsieur have no good and
sound meaning towards England, he deceives the trust which is
conceived of him, and breaks promise not only to our harm, but
perhaps to the utter ruin of the Low Countries. But what is to
be must of necessity appear very shortly, seeing the Estates' forces
are all united. Therefore there is no time now to be lost, but either
an assured peace must presently be had, or a just war forthwith be
taken in hand. God of his mercy defend his Church.—From the
Court at Hengrave, Sir Thomas Kitson's house, 29 Aug. 1578.
Add. Endd. 2/3 p. [Ibid. VIII. 58.]
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Aug. 29.
K. d. L. x.
774.
|
205. SUSSEX to WALSINGHAM.
Mr Sommers arrived at Norwich with your letter the night
before her Majesty's remove, which was also the night before
my coming from thence ; and the day before Rambouillet had
audience. The day I came away the Queen read to me apart your
private letter to her of your negotiation with Monsieur, and at that
time I think nobody else had seen it. She asked me my opinion
both of that letter, and of Lord Cobham's and yours to the
Council ; which shortly was that she should in any case consent to
the £28,000, of which part was delivered and the rest to be
delivered by Spinola. My reason was, that in this time of the
treaty of peace and the doubtfulness what the States would conclude
with you and the French, if the war continued, it was more
than necessary that she should relieve them and keep them from
many evils ; which I declared to her, and need not be written to
you, for you are where you know them best. And I left her 'in
good liking therewith.'
For the matter of the marriage, I left it to her own heart to
make choice of her husband, but showed her the benefits that
might grow by this marriage at this time, and the perils that
would follow if she married not at all ; and so left to God to put
into her heart what should be best.
Since my coming to London, M. de Quissy on his way to the
Court came to me here, and made full declaration to me of his
whole negotiations, with assurances that Monsieur dealt sincerely,
and uttered in effect the same matter as was contained in your
letter to her Majesty ; ever mingling in his speeches that Monsieur
looked she would also deal plainly with him, and rather further than
hinder his greatness, according to that which his own affection to
her deserved ; and giving me by covert speeches to gather that
Monsieur looked to be great either by her Majesty or by the Low
Countries, and that it were a dishonour and a peril to him to return
home without one of these in worse case than he came out
'wherein I conceived no more of his speech than in reason I had
seen long before.'
What the Queen will do is in the hands of God, but truly, Mr
Secretary, I do not see any manifest surety to her but either by this
marriage, or by a good peace, or by taking the States 'to her defence'
whereby she must make herself the head of the war. What likelihood
there is of peace you can better judge than those who are away ;
but it seems to me the diffidence is so great on both sides and the
demands of the States so far out of reason, that the terms are very
hard. For the Queen to be the head of the war is more, I fear, than
she will go through with, or the realm would maintain ; and therefore
marriage is the surest, for thereby she may give law to herself
and all her neighbours, abide all perils at home and abroad, and
knit herelf in amity with both kings, and keep them both in their
own bounds.
Her Majesty has still some hope left that she and Monsieur
might so join by limitation with the States that the burden
to either should [not] be over great ; but when I look into it,
I have no hope of that. 'The reasons motive be too long to
write,' and you have always seen them. In regno nulla est societas.
That the King and Queen Mother will either hinder Monsieur's
enterprise, if the States will receive him, or if they refuse him, will
hinder him by aiding Don John, I do not believe ; for in my opinion
there is nothing that he may take in hand abroad 'to deliver him
and all martial actions out of France,' but the King and his mother
will further it all they can, to avoid fire at home.
My wife and I go this day towards Bath, where God give her
that comfort she hopes for. I came but loth from the Court ; my
business here is great, and my health not good, by reason of a
'flyxe' I took by the way. Therefore bear with me in writing
thus abruptly [?] for I would rather offend in that way than in not
writing what I conceive.—'Barnsey' [i.e. Bermondsey] 29 Aug.
1578.
P.S.—If you send to me at any time, and your letter is delivered
at 'Barnsey' it will be safely brought to me.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. VIII. 59.]
|
Aug. 30.
K. d. L. x.
781.
|
206. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON.
On Thursday last the States' Deputies had conference with Don
John's, and delivered them the articles of peace proposed by the
States ; to which they promised to get his answer and bring it,
either the same night or the next day by eight o'clock in the
morning at the latest. Which notwithstanding being not yet
performed, we know not well what to think of it ; especially as the
time limited for the treaty expires to-morrow : so that the Deputies
have no further authority to deal with Don John. We mean to
stay here all day to-morrow, to see what issue the matter will have :
and on Monday, God willing, to depart.—Louvain, 30 Aug. 1578.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. VIII. 60.]
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Aug. 30.
|
207. The ESTATES to the AMBASSADORS.
We have hitherto awaited some good resolution for the conclusion
of peace, which we thought to obtain by your intercession
and that of the ambassadors of the Emperor and of France.
Though our desire has been hitherto frustrated, we nevertheless
thank you most affectionately for the trouble you have taken, and
beg you, while there is yet time, to employ all means, intercession,
and authority, that we may arrive at some firm resolution, to remove
the afflictions which are eating the heart and bones out of this poor
country. And deputies to whom we are now writing will impart
our final views to you.—Antwerp, the last but one of Aug. 1578.
(Signed) A. Blyleven.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson : Delivered to the Lords in the street
before the Emperor's ambassador's house, before they went in
together to consultation upon the answer sent from Don John the
night before. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. VIII. 61.]
|
Aug. 31.
K. d. L. x.
783.
|
208. BURGHLEY to WALSINGHAM.
Since Mr Sommers went, the Queen has signed the bonds to
Spinola, 7 in number, and they are gone to the Great Seal. The
other six for Pallavicino are not yet signed, but promises to sign
them to-morrow. Pallavicino requires them to be stayed here, till
we hear from you. We have again attempted to make your conditions
more 'arbitrable' by you there ; but though her Majesty
shows no reason to move her to persist in her former directions,
but only that so (she says) she will have it, and that her pleasure
comes of many evil 'concepts' put into her of the state there by
such as went over with you and have returned, who 'sting' all
profession of good religion, yet I think as soon as she learns from
you that the States cannot or will not accept the conditions, she will
be brought to qualify them.
We of the Council are forced to offend her greatly in these and
Scotland matters ; which keep a tolerable course more by our
private fair overtures than by good matter, which without her
Majesty's royal assent we cannot deliver to them. So I fear they
will espy our weakness, and for mistrust will take some better
anchor hold.—From the Court at Mr Ryvett's [Chippenham,
Cambs.] ulto. Aug. 1578.
Holograph. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson : from the L. Treasurer ;
bonds signed for Baptista, but not for Pallavicino. Cause why
conditions cannot be more tolerable. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. VIII.
62.]
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|
Aug. [?]
|
209. REMONSTRANCE FROM QUESNOY.
To His Highness.—The Deputies from the town of Quesnoy
humbly represent that they have always been well affected to the
good of the common country and desirous to continue in the
obedience of your Highness and the States General. Yet they hear
that by some contract made with the Duke of Alençon it has been
agreed to hand the town over to his power and that of the French.
Though they always have been and are ready in every way to obey
his Highness's orders and endure all labours and damage which
may comport with his service, they cannot omit to let your Highness
know that they are much aggrieved, and feel it against all
reason and justice that such a contract should have been entered
into without their consent. It is not merely a question of losing
their lives and goods, as the French are continually threatening,
but also a great danger of being separated for ever from the body
of the Estates of the Low Countries. Therefore they humbly pray
your Highness, if they do not obey his orders in this matter, not
to take it amiss, and not to permit such faithful subjects to fall
into such danger and be separated from the country. If their own
case does not touch them heavily enough to move you to condescend
to their request, the importance of such a fortress, more
necessary than any other frontier town, ought to hold you to do it.
We pray you again to have pity on the burgesses and manans of the
town.
Copy. Endd. by L Tomson : Request of Quesnoy for not to receive
Monsieur. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. VII. 63.]
|
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Aug. [?]
|
210. THE BATTLE OF ALCAZAR.
'The copy of a letter written from the camp of the King
of Moroccos, Mullie Molloque, by a Jew, physician to the said
King ; directed to his brother.'
After leaving Alkera we went next day from thence to Apizna,
because the King received letters from Muley Hamet. The third
day our camp was settled by the river Tancifet. The King went to
Morocco, and we lay there two nights. From Tancifet we marched
on till we came to Monvry [?] which is in Tamacena. The King
was lodged in the palace, and some of us with him. He showed
himself desirous to finish the palace, and settled soldiers and ammunition
there, and sent to Morocco for masons and 'bricklers' and
carpenters and smiths, Moors and Christians. And as God has
ordained things contrary to men's thoughts, the third day after we
came there the King ate some fish, and drank much water upon it,
and ate some 'millions,' [melons] so that he was in a manner sea-sick,
and vomited, and had a little ague and pain in his belly, which continued
till next evening. So we were in great trouble with his
sickness, and came to Sallee, where he found himself better. Being
there three days we departed, and arrived at Mamora ; and next
day we met Muley Hamet hard by Sallee, and the same day
the King rode his horse very gallant. And there met him
those who had come from 'Algarvie' with his brother, all very
merry, shooting off much ammunition on both sides, and the footmencalivers
saluted the king three times, a thing very fair to be seen.
And there were assembled the best horsemen that ever were in this
realm, and calivermen to the number of 7,000 or thereabouts ; and
we marched to the place where we pitched our tents. And when
we came thither, the king had his ague, and vomited very much by
reason of the great heat of the weather, and drinking much water
coming on his horse to many places, being so unapt for the same.
He took it to be better for him to drink much cold water, and provoke
himself to vomit with his fingers ; and he would eat no meat.
I was weeping and crying before him like a madman, and nothing
prevailed. The third day followed a great 'hitchcough' and a
trembling in his hands, especially on the right side. His tongue
was so 'altered' that he could scarce be understood ; and I
prognosticated by and by the mishap that would follow. I met
with Muley Hamet and told him of the king's sickness, and I told
him the truth as it followed. He commanded me to keep
it secret, and from that hour he began to give order in
the business of the realm. And the king was so oppressed
with drought that all the rivers in the world were not enough
to quench it ; so that I and Mr. Giuliani and Capitan 'Alley'
had nothing to do but keep him from drinking water. So we
remained till the 27th day, and did permit [?] that with two
'glishters' which I gave him there followed a certain 'lask' for
24 hours, a thing never seen nor thought. The drought went
away and he had an appetite for some meat and opened his eyes
and began to speak more plainly, and the trembling was but a
little.
Next day, being August 1, we heard that the king of Portugal
was marching from Argilla towards us, and so we unpitched our
camp and pitched it again by Alcazar. On the 3rd we departed
thence, and had news that the King had crossed the bridge over
the river called Magazen. And Muley Hamet went before and
the King tarried behind ; and our camp being pitched, thinking
that the enemy 'did present in the battle,' the same evening set
his calivers and ammunition in order, and for the same (God forgive
his soul), being almost dead, took his horse against my will and
left the horsemen that were with him, and went to settle the
calivers. And being on horseback I perceived him to fall in a
'sownd,' and I came to him and desired him to go into his horselitter
and being in 'her,' he could give orders. But he would not,
and when he saw some of them follow him, he drew his sword
and went upon them 'because they should have' let him
alone. After this Muley Hamet sent word that the
enemy were pitching their camp, and that his highness might
go to his tent and eat a morsel, and the caliver-men might eat
something, and afterwards he should come and put them in array
of war. Then he lighted off his horse and went into his horse-litter,
and we marched towards the tents, and Muley Hamet remained in
the camp hard by the enemy's, with only 100 horsemen. And on
the other side of the river was Benni Maleque and Sophian and
some wild men, called Alarves of the mountains ; and our people
being all settled, sent the brother of Capitan Habedeno, and Mulli
Mansor Lautalie, and Sidi Hamet's son Bendade and others, and
some 'ronogathes.' Nevertheless that evening the enemy unpitched
ready to march ; and with the news the King came out of
his tent and went into his horse-litter, and we marched out of our
tents. And, the Christians pitched again, we rested in the camp
in the field till evening, and went into our tents. And Muley
Hamet watched all night with the soldiers of Algarvie.
Next day, 'being Thursday in the morning, I would have said
being Monday in the morning' the 4th of August, the King rose
from his bed very well, and before it was daylight asked for his
breakfast, and drank a granado and three yolks of new-laid eggs.
Muley Hamet came to speak with him concerning the business of
the battle, and took his leave very pleasant. At 10 o'clock the King
called for his dinner, and we gave him a roast pullet and another
sodden, with a little 'blanck mangie,' and he ate a little of everything
and at the beginning of his dinner drank some 'synomond'
water. After dinner he had tidings that the Portugals were
beginning to march ; and he called for his raiment and apparelled
himself in cloth of gold, and wrapped upon his head his 'tora,' and
set on it his 'bruche' with three precious stones and his feather ;
took his sword also which was very rich, and was sent him from
Turkey, and his dagger of the same work garnished with precious
stones, 'turquies' and rubies ; 'finally' he arrayed himself 'even as
if it were Easterday,' with great rings on his fingers full of precious
stones, and went a-horseback against my will. And so we came to
the camp and found our soldiers in order, and the Christians were
marching towards us as much as they conld. And Muley Hamet
with the horseman of the Algarvie was on our right together with
4,000 calivers of Fez ; and on the left our Capitans of Morocco and
Vlendeta [?] and Rehamina [qy. El Hamira] and many more, 'using
their ordinary custom, and made themselves ready for to run away.'
Both camps were assembled in a fair field, and I never saw the like,
for there was neither stone nor tree. And being 'near to a munition
shot' the King commanded that our 'munition' should shoot,
being 24 pieces 'very fair' ; and so shot twice and did some hurt to
the Christians, as appeared afterwards. And they answered, and
next the King's banner one man and two horses were killed ; and
they did not prosper with their 'munition' as we thought.
Meantime we had advanced to a caliver shot and began to fight
very fiercely, and our horsemen 'which were men of honesty,' with
the horstrapers [qy. troopers] of the Christians ; and certain squadrons
of the Christians came to our left and right so fiercely that
our horse and foot retired till they were behind the King's banners.
They followed up the victory where we were, 'and believe me we
thought to lose all ; but the Lord had appointed other ways.'
Returning to our 'purpose' I say that when the King saw his
people overcome, and looked every way and saw no horseman
behind him, because some had run away for fear of the 'munition'
and some went to fight, he was so angry that he stood up
in his stirrups and drew his sword, and a trembling took him
and his teeth were fastened, and he lost his senses and his life
together. It was indeed a thing marvellous to be seen, and divine
permission. I came straight, and perceiving he was dead we took
him up and laid him in the horse-litter, saying that he was in a
swoon ; and I feigned to give him drink. His face was covered
that our people might not learn so ill news.
Meantime Muley Hamet (whom God did preserve) was on our
right, and invaded the Christians so fiercely that he did them great
hurt ; and he did this two or three times, and pressed them so much
with his strong heart that I certify 'your worship' I saw him alone
twice with very few men, and at the same time saw our caliver-men
discomfited. The capitan 'came to himself' with an ancient of
Bessanie who had arrived the same day from Capitan Mahumet
Zarcon of Larache, and invaded the Christians so fiercely, and the
horsemen too, that they lost their 'munition,' and the battle began
anew, the horsemen going round the Christians every way. And
they did not cease till all the Christians were slain.
This victory was much furthered by the lack of knowledge of the
King's death, and we went with him further, with the banners and
renegades of his guard, halberd and pikemen and others ; and only
the son of Mahomet Zarcon, and I, and Mussalya knew of his death,
and we went on and made them believe that the King's pleasure
was so, for every foot I would light from my horse feigning to speak
with him. And so our men began to bring with them Christians,
men and women, captives, and came where the King was ; and we
made them believe that he was asleep, and that neither we nor they
should wake him. The Christians, perceiving they were overcome,
made themselves 'repairs' and trenches with their carts, and then
fought until all were slain or captives ; for of 30,000 souls there
escaped only twenty or twenty-five, who went to Arzilla, being
knights of Tangier.
When Muley Mahomet perceived his total ruin, he ran away
with 10 or 12 horsemen, and among them went Bentoda's children,
and Hamow Benhamiza and others, and as they would have gone
over the river, Muley Mahomet's horse sank in the mire, and
being flowing water, he was drowned ; and the horse saved himself.
The King of Portugal died of two wounds in his head and another
in his arm ; and his body is in Alcazar in a chest of lime.
'Great secret was of God' that within an hour died three kings,
two of them of great power ; and a greater miracle that a dead king
overcame the King of Portugal in so short a space, as seems to be
enchantment. All the nobility of Portugal, from the Duke of
Braganza's son to the squires, are slain and captives ; a thing never
seen or heard. God miraculously took the kingdom of Portugal and
delivered them to this people. The slaughter, for anything that I
have seen, may be 15,000. As for the captives I can give no
judgement, because every 'Wildmore' or Alarve has a Christian
to his page, every caliver-man has pages going after him. The
labouring Moors can get no money, because old Fez is so full of them
that every handicraftsman has two or three Christian captives, and
the citizens also for their gardens. The value of them was from 30
to 100 or 150 ounces—(an ounce is now valued at 2s. sterling)—and
some of ransom, 300, 400, and 500 ounces. King Muley Hamet,
when he finds any knight or gentleman, takes them for himself.
The Alarves and dwellers in the mountains and in the fields of
Arzillan, Tetuan, and Ghisuon [?] did not bring their captives into
Fez. This country remains so rich in gold, silver, harness of all
sorts, 'muiles,' horses, and oxen, that there is not a caliver-man that
will serve a Moor, nor black Moor 'that was not lest richer than
his' (sic). I cannot express how much it is, and they who have
not seen it will not believe it.
The battle being finished Muley Hamet came to the banners,
having heard of the King's death, and warned me to tell it to none ;
and so we marched to our lodging two hours before sunset, and put
the King's corpse into the tents. Capitan Botignia called out
openly before every one and bade me go in to see the King's
brother, and see if he were disposed for me to speak with him. I
went in and stayed a little and came again and told that the King
had eaten his meat and was asleep. About this time Sitha
Mahomet Benaisa 'was written' a letter declaring how they chose
Muley Hamet to be their King ; and when the letter was finished
he sent for the gentlemen and capitans, and made an oration
declaring his brother's death, and how he died like a good captain ;
and declared also how that they knew very well he had passed all
the travail of the wars with their enemy Muley Mahomet, and how
they themselves swore him to be their King, and how he now was
their King, and how he used them very well. They all with one
voice wished him prosperity, and kissed his hand ; and he was
sworn their king and went a-horseback, all the field crying before
him 'God forgive Muley Habiddlemecq (sic) and prosper Muley
Hamet.'
Then he went to his lodging and gave order for the burial of his
brother ; and it was in this order. In the same horse-litter that
he was in, his raiment was carried by the high Justice of Fez and
Sitha Mahomet Benaisa and the learned men of Fez, and the noblemen ;
with drums, bagpipes, and his three royal banners ; with
100 caliver-men on horseback and the youth of his house. They
went the same night to Fez, and he was buried by his brother
Muley Mahomet el Haraun, with his horse-litter ; and they set his
banners beside his head. There was great lamentation for his
death, and they esteem him a saint, because after his death there
was so great slaughter among the Christians.
Muley Hamet came into this city of Fez the 16th August, and is
beginning to take order in the matter of this realm. I think he will
remain here till Lent. He has sent for Muley Danthey to give
him Mequines, and he will let his son remain here in Fez, and I
understand that I shall remain with him, Capitan Alibensia Crasia
his son. To Capitan Alicanus has been given the castle of old Fez.
To the son of Abdola Benseque was given this fort in keeping. I
will send you news of what happens more.
I forgot to say that about the time of the first 'breach' of our
soldiers, they of Fez ran away and did not stay till they came to
Fez ; and 3,000 or 4,000 Alarves went with them, and going by our
tents fell to spoil, saying 'we are destroyed' ; and with these
news the more part of the people ran away to Fez, and some
escaped robbed, and some were spoiled of all. Muley Nassar, son
to Muley Abdola, ran away the night before the battle and went to
Arzilla with four horsemen, with tidings of the loss. They would
have put them away from Arzilla, demanding of him what he would
have had, for there was no other King in Portugal to bring him to
death as his brother did. These news were brought to us by Palma,
who came the third day after the battle with letters from the Capitan
of the navy and from Arzilla, to know who were dead ; and he went
back with this answer, and took with him one 'corisiador' of the
Court who was captive, and was sent by these gentlemen captive
duke, earls and the nobility of Portugal. And it is pity to see the
fathers, the children, the brothers of the dead and of the captives.
'These be Portugal's sins, and surely they are paid.'
Probably translated from Italian. Endd. by Wilson. 6½ pp.
[Morocco I. 3.]
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