Henry VIII: November 1536, 1-5

Pages 378-406

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 11, July-December 1536. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

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Footnotes

November 1536, 1-5

R. O.	944. Causes of the Rebellion.
	(fn. 1) First, the rebellion in Lincolnshire; its beginning, maintenance, and conclusion. Then confer the other with it and consider how it was advanced, how the people were deluded, and what personages had in deed the rule of all things whosoever bare the name thereof. Then consider what personages the King sent against them; where they encamped, and whether they might have continued without danger; "and how the King's honor was considered in their so sudden recess, if the contrary might have been maintained." Then consider the state of the country now; how the people may be brought into despair for their offences; what confederacy there is of gentlemen and others remaining in fear; whether this matter should be "speedily followed" for the King's honor, "which hangeth now but in a balance for that matter," and the country reduced to obedience, for which purpose it were not amiss to send a personage of honor thither with a convenient force, to remain there and "step meal" to bring it to a better stay, first pardoning the multitude on condition of bringing in their ringleaders and then punishing the great traitors. Pp. 4. In Wriothesley's hand.
Harl. 283, f. 65. B. M.	2. A modern copy of the preceding, taken perhaps from another draft, and very inaccurately headed by the transcriber "Certain instructions for the pacifying of the rebellion in Lincolnshire in the —(blank) of H. VIII." Pp. 2.
R. O.	945. Henry Eure to [Aske ?].
	"[Ma]ister Captain," I received a letter which [I th]ink came from you, saying you were sorry my lord my master (fn. 2) was not constant to the common wealth. I assure you on my life that my lord is true according to his first promise to Mr. Bowes; "[notwiths]tanding his [1]ordship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . yngs gre . . . . . . . was on . . . . . . . . . . . Grace's letter sent to him before as appeareth by the same, and for no other cause." He thinks it in favour of the commons that the King should know it was past his power to resist them. You wrote to me to depart from my lord if he were not constant. Both he and all his council are true. Please advertise my lord Darcy and others to put no doubt in him. It is thought there should be no spoiling "but of them that will not do as we do for the common wealth." Mr. Archdeacon of Durham and Sir William Eure recommend them to you and give my lord good counsel to the common wealth. Please send news by my servant the bearer. Branspeth. Copy, pp. 2. Endd. in Darcy's hand: Vera copia.
1 Nov. R. O.	946. Sir Edmund Bedyngfeld to Cromwell.
	Upon an excessive boldness used by me upon my late amendment upon the fever, wherein I have so long languished, I am now in as evil temper as I was before, and dare not venture on the journey to Court, but I hope to set forward next week, even if I pass not 10 miles a day. Redlyngfeld, 1 Nov. Signed. P. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.
1 Nov. R. O.	947. Edward earl of Derby to Henry VIII.
	Was on Monday last at Preston in Lancashire with most of the King's true subjects of the shire, intending to advance towards Salley to execute the King's command and to lodge that night at Whalley Abbey, four miles from Salley; when, about 9 o'clock, came Berwyke, the herald-atarms, wearing the King's coat armour, and delivered him a letter from the earls of Shrewsbury, Rutland, and Huntingdon, to the effect that Norfolk and they had stayed the commons of Yorkshire, who were sparpled and retired,—that Norfolk was departed to the King, and that they were informed by lord Darcy that Derby would be on Monday at Whalley Abbey: that they therefore charged him in the King's name to sparple his force and do no hurt. After taking counsel with lord Monteagle and other gentlemen then present, he sparpled his company and departed homewards. The same Monday "in the morrow" the commons of the borders of Yorkshire and Lancashire, near Salley, assembled and took Whalley Abbey; but, hearing that Derby had received such a letter and command as aforesaid, they sparpled the same day. If the said letter had not come, though the roads to Whalley and Salley are very difficult, the writer and his company would have risked all to have executed the King's former letter, and, no doubt, though there would have been a great fray, the traitors would have been overthrown. Another insurrection lately made in Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Lancashire, north of the town of Lancaster, which is now sparpled, intended to have come through Lancashire but for the fear of Derby and his company at Preston. The circumstances whereof, the feigned letters set on church doors, &c., were too tedious to write to the King; he has therefore made and signed a brief bill of articles thereof, and sends it by the King's servant Henry Acres, who brought eight persons to serve the King under the writer, and can describe affairs more fully. At my manor of Lathom, All Saints Day, about 4 p.m. Signed. Pp. 2. Add. Sealed and Endd.
R. O.	2. Articles that the earl of Derby would Harry Acres should inform the King, devised on All Saint's Day.
	(1.) Touching the insurrection beyond Lancaster which some men numbered to 5,000 or v[j. m.], but it is thought were under 3,000. The earl of Derby, when late at Preston, sent James Walton and Thos. Brydok, his servants, to advise and command them, in the King's name, to depart home. One Atkynson their captain answered they had a pilgrimage to do for the common wealth, which they would accomplish, or die. As they threatened John Standyshe, the Earl's servant, mayor of Lancaster, to burn his house and spoil his goods unless he came to them, the said servants were to show it was by the earl's command that Standish came not and to warn them against doing such extremity to any one. Atkinson said Standishe's friends were sureties for his coming, and were therefore forfeitures, and delivered the said servants a "scrow" thereof. The servants declared, in the Earl's name, that, if they "would not be thus advised," then if 12 of their chiefs would sign a promise to fight on Bentham More he would meet them and determine the quarrel by battle. They answered they would not fight unless the Earl interrupted their pilgrimage, but if he would resort to the lord Lieutenant they would fight him or them. (2.) The commons of Cartmaill put the prior into the late priory of Cartmell, against his will, for he stole away to the earl at Preston before hearing of any stay taken in Yorkshire. (3.) Sir Robert Bellyncham and others, who were taken by the commons have escaped to the Earl. (4.) The Abbot and the deputy Steward of Furness have privily come to the Earl by boat into Lancashire and so to Lathom. (5.) If the Earl had had any battle on Bentham More, or if any "rescous" had come to Salley, he would have waited for the force of Cheshire, for the inhabitants between Lancaster town, Cumberland, and Westmoreland and the borders of Salley are not to be trusted. (6.) Lord Montegle and Sir Marmaduke Tunstall have fled from their houses between Lancaster and Westmoreland, to the Earl at Preston. Signed: Edward Derby. Pp. 2. Endd.
1 Nov. R. O.	948. Edward earl of Derby to the Earl of Sussex.
	Received today his letter saying that the King accepts his service.
	Has written to the King, sending a bill of articles signed by himself, of which he encloses a copy. Manor of Lathom, All Saints Day. Signed. P. 1. Add. Endd. 2 Nov.
1 Nov. R. O.	949. G. earl of Shrewsbury to Lord Darcy.
	I have received your letter by your servant this bearer and perceive that, with great pain, you have stayed the commons—in my opinion a good and honorable deed. Do your best to keep them in stay, so that "we may meet merely (merrily) and well together to God's pleasure and the Kings." In haste at Hansworthe. 1 Nov. Signed. P. 1. Add.
1 Nov. Royal MS. 7 C. XVI. f. 77. B. M.	950. The Lincolnshire Rebellion.
	"A brief declaration made the first day of November as well for the ready money received of John Freman as also of sundry prests delivered by Mr. Gostwik.
	Received from John Freman, 3,000l. In sundry prests delivered by Gostwike by warrants of my lord of Suffolk, 1,877l. 6s. 8d.
	Remaining in divers gentlemen's hands as prests, 341l. Total, 5,218l. 6s. 8d.
	Paid by warrant of the duke of Suffolk to divers captains and others due before 1 Nov., 4,227l. 18s. 6d. Remaining in divers gentlemen's hands in prests delivered to them by Gostwik, 341l. Total 4,568l. 18s. 6d.
	Remaining in ready money, 1 Nov., 649l. 8s. 2d. Added in Hatteclyff's hand: There are by estimation remaining in wages here [at Lincoln] 4,000 soldiers, besides their captains, and other charges. P. 1. Endd.
1 Nov. R. O.	951. John Husee to Lady Lisle.
	I have received your letter by Clyfforde. The velvet for Mr. George's coat was bought long since, but I did not suffer it to be made, because the tailor's man was sick, till there was proved to be no danger. The coat is made and sent by the receiver of Hide, of very good velvet, which I had of Chr. Campion at 12s. a yard. There is no better worn except Lukes velvet. Remember Campion at St. Andrew's tide; and also the draper, for the stuff Mr. Bassett and his men have had. A coat of damask or silk would scarce last Mr. George one year, whereas this should stand five. If you wish spice against Christmas, let me know the proportions. I trust shortly to be at home. London, All Hallow'n day.
	I send two letters out of Devonshire. Hol., 1. Add.
1 Nov. R. O.	952. Jacques de Coucy [Sieur de Vervins] to the Deputy of Calais.
	Apologises for not having answered sooner his letter about the four compagnons of Tournehen, having been summoned to Monstreuil by Monseigneur de Vandosme. On his return sent one of them to the captain of Tournehen to state his intentions, that they should be set free on payment of expenses, which are not large. Would be grieved by any infraction of the neutrality of England, and wishes to live in friendship with the Deputy, knowing that their Kings are friends and allies. Boulogne, 1 Nov.
	Since writing, has delivered the men to the Deputy's trumpet, who has answered for the expense. Signed. Fr., p. 1. Add.
1 Nov. Add. MS. 8,715, f. 299. B. M.	953. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio.
	No news from England, which creates some suspicion that they will not allow their dangers and difficulties to be known sooner than they can help, especially as the king of Scots is here. It is considered certain that they will give him Madame Madelena, though the cardinal of Lorraine is discontented at not having him for a nephew. Ital., modern copy, pp. 2. Headed: A Mons. Ambrogio. Da Castellerhault, 1 Nov. 1536.
2 Nov. R. O.	954. Will Dynham to Cromwell.
	This is to desire your honor to remember so poor a man's supplication, "for the primer fruits and decime annuell" of Wyke scole (school) in Cornw., in case Sir John Chamond have not received your determinate answer therein. "As for the state of these parts, which your endeavour is as the whole body of the realm to flourish in wealth and virtue, conceive good hope that knowledge daily increaseth, and though ministers be cold in execution of your good purposes, yet I doubt not but that God in time will give success." Of the untowardness of many of them in declaring the King's "most Christian Elements and Articles," I have written to your servant Mr. Morison, whose kind remembrances of me "sithen my last being above," I cannot requite. Lyfton, 2 Nov. Signed. P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
2 Nov. R. O.	955. The Northern Rebellion.
	Proclamation of a general pardon to the commons dwelling north of Doncaster, who have lately committed open rebellion, tending to the ruin of the country and advancement of our ancient enemies the Scots, who, his Highness is informed, do with great readiness watch upon the same. But as their offences proceeded from ignorance, his Highness has caused certain books to be sent them, by which they may see and acknowledge their errors. Any of them shall have by suit in Chancery the King's pardon under his great seal free of charge for all offences committed before 1 Nov. last. Provided always that they apprehend and deliver to the King Robert Aske, Hutton of Snape, Kichen of Beverley, William Humbler the bailiff, Henry Coke of Durham, shoemaker, Maunsell vicar of Brayton, and four others, to be hereafter named, of Tynedale, Ryddesdale, the borders of Lancashire, Kendal and elsewhere, who, as ringleaders are excepted from this pardon, together with all who hereafter incite insurrection. Provided also that they declare their submission before the duke of Norfolk, or his deputies, whom the King intends with diligence to send into these parts as his lieutenantgeneral. Charges them to be true subjects and make no unlawful assemblies; and in case they refuse the King will come in person "with a mayne force and army" to repress their malice to their utter confusion. Windsor, 2 Nov. 28 Hen. VIII. On parchment.
R. O.	2. Mutilated draft of the preceding, undated, with corrections by Wriothesley, and some insertions which do not appear to have been adopted; among others a proviso that those pardoned should aid the commissioners to re-enter monasteries within the act of suppression, to which the religious have been restored by the rebels. Pp. 12. Endd.: A proclamation.
R. O.	3. Proclamation in form nearly similar to the above to the commons of Yorkshire, Cumberland, Westmoreland, Northumberland, bishopric of Durham, city of York and shire of the same, the towns of Kingstonupon-Hull and Newcastle-upon-Tyne and the town of Lancaster and northwards in Lancashire; pardoning offences committed before the day of proclamation, on condition that the offenders declare their submission before the duke of Norfolk and earl of Shrewsbury, the King's lieutenants, or their deputies. Pp. 4.
R. O. St. P. i. 473.	956. The Northern Rebellion.
	Instructions by the King to [Lancaster], (fn. 3) one of his officers of arms, whom his Majesty sends into the North parts.
	As the King is informed by Norfolk that the rebels lately assembled in Yorkshire have dispersed, he desires to know whether they have quietly returned to their accustomed occupations or seem to retain some part of their fury. [Lancaster] is therefore to repair to the town of —. (fn. 4) and such others as are mentioned in a schedule delivered to him herewith, and taking with him a trumpet and a certain proclamation under the great seal, devised by the King and Council, shall act as follows: First, on his arrival at — (fn. 4) and the other towns where he shall think fit to publish the proclamation, he shall carefully note the demeanor of the people, whether they seem to be settled again or remain in their madness. He shall then communicate with the mayor, bailiff, and chief officers of each town and gently demand their assistance. Then, in his coat of arms, repairing to the most open and frequented places, he shall declare, in presence of the said officers, that as a certain insurrection had been attempted in those parts by seditious persons, the King, considering how the multitude had been deceived, had sent him with a proclamation showing how they had been abused and how false the alleged grounds of the insurrection were, enlarging on the King's regard for them his subjects and the ingratitude of those who would disturb the common wealth for matters of weddings, christenings, churches, eating white bread and other meats, marking of beasts, bringing in money to be touched at the Tower, &c., when neither his Highness nor any of his Council thought of any such matter. As for the subsidy, it toucheth not the 20th person that was moved to this rebellion, for no man was charged therewith that was not worth 20l. and above; and he that was worth 20l. and would not pay 10s. for the good of the common wealth is not to be taken for a good subject. Does the King demand any penny of his subjects except what is granted by Parliament, or is there any man who has not in this insurrection lost thrice as much as all payments to the King amount to? Enlarges further on the folly of their proceedings. As to the tenths, first fruits, and suppression of abbeys, it does not concern the commonalty, and every true man would rather have those revenues bestowed upon his Prince who employs them and much more in the protection of the whole realm than that they should remain with those who waste them in idleness and sin. And the more the Prince has of his own the less need he will have to demand aids of his subjects to preserve them from foreign enemies. And as to other points of religion, he has done nothing but what the whole clergy of the province of York, as well as that of Canterbury, have found to be conformable to God's word. He shall therefore urge them to submit and promise obedience, declaring how his Majesty desires their preservation and had recalled his army of 50,000 men which he had in readiness to subdue them, whenever he heard of their withdrawal. [Lancaster] shall then read the proclamation openly, and nail or fix a copy on the market cross, causing good espial to be made whether any man will pull it down. Finally, he shall make inquiry what monks, canons, nuns, or other religious persons, having been discharged by the King's commissioners, be again restored by the rebels, and report how the people are inclined to their continuance. Fair copy, pp. 13. Endorsement mutilated.
R. O.	2. Another copy, with some variations in the wording. In Vaughan's hand. Mutilated, pp. 14. One leaf found apart from the rest. The first leaf missing.
R.O.	3. Commencement of the preceding instructions. Draft, in Vaughan's hand, pp. 2.
R.O.	4. Draft of a portion of the second paragraph of the same. (St. P. I. 474, 11. 3–12.) In Wriothesley's hand, p. 1.
R.O. St. P. i. 473.	5. Draft of the portion immediately following the preceding. (St. P., I. 474, 11. 12–30). In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 2. Endd.: Letters signed with the King's hand.
R.O.	6. Draft of another portion of the preceding. (St. P., I. 477, 1. 28 to the end). In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 2. Endd. like § 5.
R. O. St. P. i. 506.	957. The Demands of the Rebels.
	"Answer to the demands of the rebels in Yorkshire."
	"First as touching the maintenance of the faith. The terms be so general that hard they be to be answered; but if they mean the faith of Christ to which all Christen men be most obliged, we declare and protest ourself to be he that always do and have minded to die and live in the purity of the same." Wonders that ignorant people go about to instruct him what the right faith should be. 2. As to the maintenance of the Church and liberties of the same, it is too general a proposition to answer without distinctions; for, first, the Church which they mean must be known, and secondly, whether they be lawful or unlawful liberties. But we have done nothing that may not be defended by God's law and man's, and to our own Church, whereof we be supreme head, we have not done so much prejudice as many of our predecessors have done upon less grounds. 3. The third toucheth three things: the laws, the common wealth, the directors of the laws under us. As to the laws, there were never in any of our predecessors' days so many wholesome and beneficial acts made. God forbid that we, who have been 28 years king, should not know now better than at first what were the common wealth and what were not. What King has kept you his subjects so long in wealth and peace, ministering indifferent justice, and defending you from outward enemies? What king has been more ready to pardon or loath to punish? As to the beginning of our reign, when ye say so many noble men were counsellers; who were then counsellors I well remember, and yet of the temporalty, I note but two worth calling noble; the one, Treasurer (fn. 5) of England; the other, High Steward of our house. (fn. 6) Others, as the lords Marny and Darcy, scant well-born gentlemen, and yet of no great lands till they were promoted by us. The rest were lawyers and priests, save two bishops, Canterbury and Winchester. Why then are you not better content with us now who have so many nobles indeed, both of birth and condition? For of the temporalty we have in our Privy Council, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the marquis of Exeter, the lord Steward when he may come, the earls of Oxford and Sussex, lord Sandys our chamberlain, the lord Admiral, treasurer of our house, Sir William Poulet, comptroller of our house; and of the spiritualty, the bishops of Hereford, Chichester, and Winchester. How came you to think that there were more noble men in our Privy Council then than now? But it does not belong to any of our subjects to appoint us our Council. 4. Whereas ye, the Commons, name certain of our Council as subverters both of God's law and the laws of this realm; we hold them just and true executors of both: if, however, anyone can prove the contrary we will proceed against them. One thing makes me think this slander untrue; it proceeds from a place so far distant and from a people who never heard them preach. Wherefore we exhort you to be of no such light credit, but to think your King has as good discretion to choose his councillors as those who have put this in your heads. We think the rest of our Commons (whereof ye be but a handful) will not bear it that you take upon you to set order both to them and us, and that you would make them partakers of your rebellion by willing them to take pardon for insurrections, when, on the contrary, they were ready at our call to defend us and themselves.
	Now as to your demands; the pardon of such things as ye demand lies only in the pleasure of the Prince, but it seems, by your lewd proclamations and safe conducts, there are those among you who take upon them both kings' and councillors' parts. What arrogancy in those wretches to presume to raise you our subjects without authority, yea, and against us, under colour of your wealth and in our name ? Were it not that we think this shameful and unnatural rebellion due to the lightness of a commonalty, and a wondrous sudden surreption of gentlemen, we must have executed another manner of punishment than (ye submitting to our mercy) we intend. But to show our pity we are content, if we find you penitent, to grant you all letters of pardon on your delivering to us 10 such ringleaders of this rebellion as we shall assign to you. Now note the benignity of your Prince, and how easily bloodshed may be eschewed. Thus I as your head pray for you my members, that God may enlighten you for your benefit. In Sadler's hand.
2 Nov. R. O.	958. Thos. Hatteclyff to Cromwell.
	I have received of John Freman 3,000l., which I have partly employed according to the warrants from my lord of Suffolk. I have paid most part of the captains of this army to the first November, deducting the prests delivered to them by Mr. Gostwike, and examining them upon their oaths as to the number of their soldiers and the prests received by them of the King's treasure, of which I send a declaration. The daily charge of this army of 4,000 men on horseback yet remaining in wages at 8d. a day is 145l. 6s. 8d., besides the wages of gunners, artificers, &c. I sent a remembrance, by my lord Admiral, for money. Lincoln, 2 November. Signed. P. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd. Sealed.
	ii. Declaration made 1 Nov. of ready money received of John Freman and prests delivered by Mr. Gostwike. P. 1.
2 Nov. R. O.	959. Rich. Cromwell to Cromwell.
	I send your servant, John Mylsent, whom I have detained so long only for my going to Lowthe where I have been already. He can declare all the news. We would know whether we are to abide here, go forward or come home. At Lowthe I commanded your servant Manby to take charge of Legborne, who after my departure sent away all his servants. Whereupon I put in your servant Bellowe whom I would otherwise have sent to you. Harness is coming in here in great plenty; I would not have thought there had been so much in the shires. John Barnardiston desires that if any be appointed to tarry here in garrison he may be one. Lord Vaux also desired me to write in his favor in such suits as the bearer can declare. Lincoln, 2 Nov. Signed. P. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.
2 Nov. R. O.	960. Thomas Gryce to Lord Darcy.
	Yesterday, All Hallows' day, in the parish chu[rch] of Dewysburry, Sir Henry Savell caused . . . . . . . and four other honest persons to be brought to him, "that did cesse the [people] there for the setting forwards of too soliours to the Comens." He threatened them and made them pay the money over again or be hanged as traitors. Mr. Chaloner and I think your lordship should inform my lord Steward of this misdemeanour. Master Nevyll, Chaloner, and myself desire to be informed of your pleasure. All Souls day.
	Master Hundgait's sons have cast down a hedge that the lady Scargill made about the ground she had in Saxton field. She has distrained some of Hundgait's cattle which went on the ground. I think your lordship's command to Hundgait will be sufficient to make them stay themselves, so that she need sue no further. Hol., p. 1. Add.
2 Nov. R. O.	961. J. de Morbecque to the Deputy of Calais.
	My men have got some deer (bestes), of which I send you a haunch and a side of a fawn. One of my four compaignons is returned from Boulogne and gives me to understand that Mons. de Vervins is willing to let them all go without ransom, but that they must first pay their expenses and leave their weapons (bastons) and harness. This is unreasonable, as he confesses his men have taken them wrongfully, and I beg you will send your trumpet and compel him not to infringe your neutrality. Tournehen castle, 2 Nov. Signed. Fr., p. 1. Add.
2 Nov. R. O.	962. J. de Morbecque to [Henry] Palmer, bailly of Guisnes.
	On the same subject. My men have got a deer, of which I will send you part. Tournehen castle, 2 Nov. Signed. Fr., p. 1. Add.: Mons. de Palmere, bailly de Guisnes, a Campaignes.
2 Nov. Vit. B. xiv. 231. B. M.	963. Sir Gregory Casale to Richard Pate.
	"Has literas eodem exemplo iterum dedi.
	"Reverende Domine mi plurimum observande, salutem. Qu . . . . . . . est, cum eis quicquid vel boni vel mali fortu . . . . . . . . communicare, te ex his literis intelligere volo . . . . . . . . . . fratrem meum, (fn. 7) virum optimum, diem suum obiisse; qu . . . . . . . . . . hac tantum de causa delendum est, quod ille mihi . . . . . . . . . . sed eo etiam nomine, quod tibi pro amicitia non minu . . . . . . . . . . . fratribus carus futurus erat. Mortis quidem causa il . . . . . . . . . . post diuturni carceris incommoda, unde multorum pr . . . . . . . etiam opera, dum hic eras adhibita, libratus tande[m] . . . . . . . . . . non admodum integra erat valetudine. Propterea Bono [niam] . . . . . . haud inde discessurus, nec aeris mutationem, ut valde . . . . . . . . . facturus ante, quam melius se haberet. Sed cum Cardinal[is] . . . . . . . . huc scripsisset, episcopum Bellunensem in libertate accip . . . . . . . . . se recta ad Pontificis pedes venturum, cujus caus . . . . . . . . . . Rex illum liberatum fuisse credi volebat, neque id p . . . . . . . . . . coactus fuit per autumni tempas sese itineri com . . . . . . . . . Cumque ad Divam Mariam Laureti voti solvendi causa p[rofectus] esset, sese ad Pontificem contulit, qui tunc non long[e] . . . . . . . . . animi causa vogabatur. Cum igitur ad illum veni[sset] . . . . correptus occubuit. Est autem nunc quod a . . . . . . . mei causa maxime cupiam. Frater meus cum in H[ungariam ?] proficisceretur non vilem suppellectilem secum affereb[at . . . . ut] honorficentius suæ legationis munere fungeretur . . . . . . . . . erant annuli aliquot cum lapillis non parvi [pretii] . . . . . præsides illi, quibus mandatum erat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m accepta adhuc retinent. Literis vero quibusdam . . . . . [r]egis Romanorum parere subterfugerunt, quibus [præcipi] tur ut hæc restituerent, causantes se ad illum capiendum [ali]quas impensas fecisse."
	Desires him to ask the Emperor or [Gra]nvele for letters to the king of the Romans for the restitution of the property. The King should not seem to suffer the goods of any one, especially of an ambassador of the king of England, to be taken possession of by his servants. Sends his servants about it to the Court of the said King. Offers his services to Pate in Italy. Is sorry to hear that he is ill. Rome, 2 Nov. 1536. Signed. Lat., pp. 2. Mutilated. Add. Endd.
3 Nov. R. O.	964. Trade with France.
	Ordinance of Francis I. permitting French merchants to export merchandise, notwithstanding the war with the Emperor, on payment of certain duties from which English merchants are exempt. Chastel Erald, 3 Nov. 1536, 22 Fras. I.
	Published at Paris, 16 Nov. 1536. English translation, pp. 4.
3 Nov. R. O.	965. Walter Devereux, Lord Ferrers, to Cromwell.
	Sends by Hugh Lewis, the bearer, a certificate of his expenses in leading the King's subjects against the rebels in Lincolnshire. Kermerthyn, in South Wales, 3 Nov. Signed. P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
3 Nov. R. O.	966. Sir Bryan Hastyngs to the Duke of Suffolk.
	His neighbour, lord Darcy, has charged all the honor of Pomfret and soke of Snathe, to be ready at an hour's warning, and gathered money so that every soldier shall have 20s. in his purse. The false rebel Aske and Sir Robert Constable are gone to Hull and the East parts, and charged them likewise. Sends a hind by bearer. "If it please your Grace to command me any service in this country, surely it is my lord Admiral's pleasure, and I will be ready to do your Grace the best service that lieth in my power." Haytfeld, 3 Nov. Signed. P. 1. Add. Endd.
3 Nov. R. O.	967. The Lincolnshire and Yorkshire Rebellions.
	Robert Sotheby of Horncastle, Linc., of 40 years or above, sworn 3 Nov. before Sir Anthony Wyngffeld and Sir Arthur Hopton, deposes :— 1. On Tuesday, 3 Oct., Davy Benet, weaver, rang the common bell of Horncastle (fn. 8) telling deponent and William Bywaters, churchwardens, that he did it by command of the commons. William Leche was the beginner of the rising there, (fn. 8) and on Tuesday, 3 Oct, came to Robert Dymocke's house with 100 persons, and threatened to pull out Edward [Dymocke], sheriff, and other gentlemen who were there if they would not come. Ric. Talbot, Thos. Tuphom, and [Richa]rd Newcum went to see what they wanted, and heard them threatening to kill Sir Wm. Sandon if they could get him, because he had said they "should be hanged in the end for their labours." The sheriff, Thos. Dymocke, Robt. Dyto[n], and one Sanderson afterwards went into the field. Describes their conversation with Leche (who said the rising was because the visitors would come and take away the church goods and put down the church) and how, to save their lives, the sheriff and the rest of the gentlemen took the oath. Then came Sir William Sandon and "they . . . [h]ym by the arms and sware him and harryed him forth," and carried him into Horncastle to the town hall. Can say nothing of the taking of Letylbury and Sir [John] Copuldicke, for the commons had been at their houses before he came. 2. As to the rising in [Yorksh]yre, it was reported "that the common seal of Bevarley was brought to them to take such part as they did." 3. As to the supporters of the rebellion, deponent and Robt. Nele, tanner, were sent by Leche to the parson of Nether Leynton, Hew Baxter of Horncastle, and Robt. Lovell, draper, with a demand for 4l.
	ii. Thomas Smythe of Spyllysby, mercer, 32, examined 3 Nov. before Sir Ant. Wyngfeld and Sir Arthur Hopton, deposes:—1. That on Tuesday, 3 Oct., at 8 p.m. Robert Leeche of Fuleby came to Spyllysby with a hundred persons, and rang the bells, and sware "the master of the college, his brother and servants," and the constables and deponent, and one other to be true to God, the King and the commons and to maintain the Church. All the gentlemen taken by the rebels were taken against their wills. 2. Knows nothing of the rebellion in Yorkshire. 3. Knows nothing of any supporters or maintainers.
	iii. William Marshall of Horncastle, 50, deposes:—1. That Davy Benett first rang the common bell. Wm. Leche gave him and other poor men 12d. apiece on Friday 6 Oct. when they came to Langorwyth lane end. The rebels, on their way to Sir Robert Dymocke's house of Schrevilsby, sent for Sir Robert and Edward Dymmock his son, being sheriff of the shire, Sir Wm. Sandon, and Thos. Dymocke to come to them on pain of death. Sandon "they harryed forth with them" to his great danger. Knows nothing of the other two articles.
	iv. Roland Barker of Horncastle, shoemaker, deposes the same as Marshall.
	v. Thomas Dixon of Horncastle, labourer, says:—I. On Monday, 2 Oct., Wm. Leche came to him and other poor men and said he had been at Louth and the visitors were there and had taken away the church goods, and next day would come to Horncastle to do the like. Leche commanded him, if he heard any business in the town, to resort thither. Next day the common bell was rung, and he went in and was sworn. On Tuesday, 3 Oct, Leche and his company went to Shrevilsby and sent to Sir Robert and Edward Dymock and other gentlemen there to come speak with them in the field. The said Edward and Robert Dyton came into the field and were sworn against their wills. After that came Sir Wm. Sandon, and "they sware him whether he would or no, and harryd him forth by the arms towards Horncastle till he was for heat and weariness almost overcome," and made him go on foot half a mile. 2. Knows nothing of the second article. 3. Leche, on the Friday next ensuing, gave him and some 40 others 12d. apiece.
	vi. John Schyne deposes like Dixson and Marshall. Was not at the taking of Sir John Copyldyke and — (fn. 9) Lytelbery. The Horncastle men did not come within a mile of Lincoln.
	vii. Wm. Gaynsborow and Rob. Mychell, labourers, depose as Dixson did. The former was commanded by Leche on Monday night to be with him at 9 on Tuesday morning.
	viii. Roger New, saddler, deposes as Gaynsborow did. Leche sent him to Staynsby to Thomas Lytelbery's house, and he swore Lytelbery and Sir John Copyldyck against their wills, and charged them to come to Horncastle next morning.
	ix. Thos. Kingston deposes as Dixson did.
	x. William Wilson of Alforthe, milner, deposes :—The first stirring of their town was by the ringing of the common bell, which he thinks was done by the vicar, who had been at Louth on the 2nd, and there promised to ring it. It was rung, 4 Oct., between 5 and 6 in the morning. Deponent found his neighbours in the market place, where his master, Thos. Totheby, and James Pack tried to stay them; but they would not be stayed, but went to Byllsby church, where they met Sir Andrew Byllysby and Focet, gentleman, and some four score. They then returned towards Louth, and at Alford the vicar (fn. 10) came to the church yard stile with a book, and sware Byllesby, Edw. Focet, Pack, and Thos. Merle of Well. Arrived at Louth about 3 p.m. and made a bonfire, and chose captains, Sir Andrew Byllysby and Edw. Focet chief captains of the wapentake of Canswell "and of the town Byllysby and Alforth," and James Pack and — (fn. 11) petty captains of Alford. The "said Sir Andrew, Edward, James, and Thomas" were forced to go with them. On Thursday at Toselyngs, Byllysby and Focet (fn. 10) sware all to be true to God, the King, and commons, to be true to the Faith, and to be (fn. 10) at the captain's commandment. Knows nothing of the other two articles.
	xi. James Medcafe of Merekby:—On Wednesday 4 Oct. he came to Byllysby and found Sir Andrew Byllysby and one Focett with about seven score in the churchyard. Suddenly all said Sir Andrew was false to the King and commonalty, and deponent "stepped forth with his bill in his hand for the love he bare to the said Sir Andrew, and bade him stand in the name of God, for the commons says that you should be false to God and to your Prince, and to the commonty." To the other articles he deposes as Wilson did.
	xii. Similar short depositions of six others of Horncastle, Spillesby, and Alford. One of them, John Sperlinge, heard say that the abbot of Berlings seut them a cartload of victuals. Pp. 16. In three different hands with marginal notes in a fourth hand. Endd. : Liber Primus.
R. O.	968. Captain Cobbler's Depositions.
	Nicholas Melton of Lowthe, shoemaker, alias Captain Cobbler, examined, says :—
	About a fortnight before Michaelmas he heard one Dolman of Fotreby, beside Louth, and one Couper say the King's council had ordered all gold coin to be diminished, and every man to "pay the King's touch for it," and say also that all jewels and ornaments of parish churches should be taken away. On Sunday after Michaelmas day, at the carrying the crosses in procession in Louth church, Thos. Foster said "Our Lord speed you, for I think ye shall be taken away shortly, so that we shall never follow you more." At evensong, John Wilson (fn. 10) al. Joky Unsayned and others came to take the keys of the jewels from the churchmasters and "with force and violence never demanding the keys to[ok] . . . . . . . . . . ye fro[m the chur]chmasters tering . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . in which ruffling came into the church the said Melton" but would not aid them. Then one Hall (fn. 10) rang the common bell and the keys were delivered to Melton to keep. On Monday at nine they met, and one Smyth advised them to await the coming of Mr. John Hennage that day. Hall (fn. 12) again rang the bell. Going home, Melton met Hennage, who carried him into a house and asked the cause of the business. A crowd assembled and broke the windows and doors, saying they should do nothing but what they were all privy to. Hennage said he would go with them to the church and hear their grief; "and at thair [comyn]g into [the chur]che one — (fn. 13) Bawnus dec[lared unto them how that] their jewels and ornaments should be taken away." Hennage said he would ride to the King to know the truth. They were then sworn to God, the King, and the Commonalty. Certain honest men would have made proclamation to stay everyone till Hennage's return, but the vicar of Harrington, the parsons Hellove and Byskethorp, and other priests (fn. 12) would not suffer it, for they wished to burn the books of the bishop of Lincoln's chancellor. They took the books from the Chancellor's clerk and burned them at the Cross. Mr. Hennage departed to Court. Then Sir Wm. Skipwith came in knowing nothing of the business and was taken and sworn. Then it was determined to hang John Bellowe and Mylsent, my lord Cromwell's servants, who were at Legborne "[and ?] so toke Bellowe in the . . . . . . . . from Legborne" and brought him and set him in the stocks, and afterwards took Mylsent. James —, (fn. 13) Henry Sanderson, Wilson and Robt. Hudson, (fn. 12) cried still to hang them, and the "said" John (sic) Sanderson offered wood for a gallows. Doctor Kendall, the vicar, comforted (fn. 12) deponent to proceed in the business. On Tuesday they mustered at Furrehill beyond Urford, seven miles on the way to Castre, 20,000 strong, and, by advice of Guy Kyme, Walter Edmonds of Fulston, Wm. King, Robt. Bayly, Thos. and Robt. Spenser and others went towards Castre to take the justices then sitting there, i.e., Sir Wm. Askue, Sir Robt. Tyrwhit, Sir Edward Madyson, &c. A servant of Lord Burrowe advised them to send some 30 on in front. The justices fled but were taken. Lord Burrowe's servant was that night sore hurt by them as having occasioned his Lord's escape. They brought the justices to Louth and devised with them "to [sen]d to [the] King a letter," which Mr. Moyne made and Sir Edw. Madyson was appointed to carry. On the morrow, Wednesday, (fn. 12) Sir Andrew Byllesby was sent for and came with Mr. Fosset; the township of Reason also came in and one of them brought letters from lord Hussey and the mayor of Lincoln, as he heard, who were sending a great company towards them. Melton, Mr. Lynsey, and one Curtoys rode out but saw nothing of this company. The host mustered at a cross called Julian Bowre and chose Sir Wm. Skipwith, Mr. Etton, John Chapman, Guy Kyme, Thos. Forster, Robt. Fysher, Hen. Ferneshed, and others, captains of the wapentake of Loutheske. A message was sent to lord Hussey. Next day they mustered, 40,000 strong, by appointment at Towes Othings, and Melton, Lynsey, and the vicar of Donyngton were sent by the justices to lord Burrowe's house to desire him to join them, but could not speak with him. Lay that night at Gainsborough, and next day, Friday, returned and found the host between Lincoln and Reason. After a muster at Graunge Othings Moor, when they numbered 100,000, they came on to Lincoln that night, and 25,000 lay in the town and the rest round about. Next day, Saturday, they mustered at a green called Newport without Lincoln and the messengers returned from lord Hussey. Heard the captains say "if he were set like a nobleman he would come," (fn. 14) and six or seven score horse were sent "to go set him" but could not speak with him and returned from Slyford Castle on the morrow. Twenty of them rode towards Trent to warn the country, staid the night at Mr. Hall's, and returned to Lincoln on Monday. That day or the morrow George Stanes was sent with a letter to the King, devised by the justices. On Tuesday came a herald and spoke with the justices, and after his departure they "stole away apace" so that the next muster was not over 10,000. On Friday Melton returned to Louth, where he remained till they came to submit themselves at Lincoln on Friday, — (fn. 15) October.
	Divers priests aided the host as follows:—Parson Beche, 40s.; parson of Hellove, (fn. 16) 20l., and promise of more; Sir Thomas Kyrke, 20s. ; Sir Thos. Moore 5s.; parson of Southsomercote, (fn. 17) 20l.; parson of North Somercote, 6l. 13s. 4d. Pp. 7. Mutilated and worn. Endd.: Liber Secundus—Saying of Nich. Melton al. Captain Cobler. The marginal annotations are in the same hand as in the preceding deposition.
	969. Lord Hussey and the Insurgents.
R. O.	Robert Carre of Slyfford, examined, says lord Clinton advertised lord Hussey of the insurrection at Lowthe on Monday after Michaelmas at midnight; thus it was known over all Slyfford on Tuesday. On Wednesday night lord Hussey sent his servant John Welshman, a simple and drunken fellow, to Carre and others for advice. Answered they had more need of Hussey's advice. On Thursday it was bruited "that the host of Horncastle was coming tow[ards] them, and that they had burned Gay[nsborough my lord] Burrowe's house and Kyme also, which w. . . . . . . . . . . and that the host would be there that night." [Of the next 15 lines much is lost by mutilation. Some persons of Slyfford went to ask lord Hussey's intentions, and he answered he would do as he pleased; one Robert Sothebye is mentioned.] Some of Carre's neighbours said they would ring the common bell rather than allow lord Hussey to leave them. Begged them not to do so, but they did; so, to pacify them, Carre promised that lord Hussey would stay. They wished to hear lord Hussey himself say so, and cried, "Alas, we shall be brent and spoiled, and all for lack of aid, lamenting the time that they ever saw him, seeing they had no more comfort of him." Then Carre and one Thos. Sandbye went again to lord Hussey, who came out to his gate and asked the people what they wanted. (fn. 18) They said, aid—he was their only help. He answered, be[gone]. My lord espied one Bug with a bill in his hand, and asked what he wanted. Bug answered, "In faith, my Lord, to take your part, to live and die with you." My Lord called him a naughty busy knave, and sent all away amazed. Many honest men who asked my Lord's advice had like answer. If my Lord had gathered men for the King as he has done for his own pomp to ride to sessions or assize, he might have driven the rebels back. They towards Stamford, seeing he would not call them, joined the contrary part. That night Carre met a clothier of Norfolk at Wm. Musterlove's house, who had been sworn by the men of Horncastle. (fn. 18) "[On the m]orrow which was Friday my 1 . . . . . . lover and his own servant George C . . . . . . . . he knoweth not for what intent; an . . . . . . . . home again that night. And on [the morrow] which was Saturday there was . . . . . . . . . . there was coming towards them . . . . . . . . . . . thousand men in harness, upon which . . . . . . . Fokingham of that town with the said Carre devised, for the safeguard of their goods and lands," to go to the host and desire them to forbear burning and spoiling. Went to the great captain, Sir Chr. Askewe, who promised not to spoil their town, and made them accompany the host. When they came to the town my Lord was fled. Captain Askew alighted and went into the house, and the host began to cry, "Fire the house," when the captain came out and said my Lord should be with them in two or three days by my lady's promise. Then all departed towards Lincoln, but a tempest of rain made them return and lie in the bishop of Lincoln's castle. That night the great captain commanded the townsmen to be ready against the morrow, Sunday, and lady Hussey sent the rebels victual, &c. (fn. 19) On the morrow, Sun[day], they joined the host. (fn. 19) About a mile on their way to Lincoln the captain sent 100 horse for Sir John Thymblebye. Of these Carre was one and Sir John's brother captain. Sir John promised to come next day; so they swore him and lay that night at Slyford. Next morning, Monday, all rode towards Lincoln, and about five miles from Lincoln Carre asked captain Thymblebye for leave to go home, but was refused. (fn. 20) At Lincoln Carre and Fokingham made the same request to Captain Askue, who would not suffer it, but gave them leave to lie at villa[ges], commanding them to be at Lin . . . . heath next morning. (fn. 20) Next day, Tuesday, came to the said heath Sir John Thymblebye with 100 horse and the said Sir Christopher with as many; and deponent and his [neighbours] got leave from them to depart home. (fn. 20) Next day, Wednesday, he rode from Slyford to see his wife, who was with her father Wm. Cawthorne, six miles off. Put his evidence in two chests, which he told his servants, if the host approached, to hide "in a hole under a thakk." Rode away that night, and at 7 o'clock at night arrived at Nottingham with lord Clinton, where he tarried till coming "hither to my Lord's grace" (fn. 21) on Wednesday, the — (fn. 22) day of — (fn. 22)
	Before the rebels came to Slyford the bailiff of Ryskinton offered to be, with as many as he could get, under lord Hussey's command; "and my Lord pinched him by the little finger, bidding him come when he sent unto him by that token, and else not." "Augustine Porter sent his servant . . . . . . . . . . Hichynson of Slyford, praying . . . . . . . . Lord's counsel on his behalf, a[nd offered hym]self to be at his commandment . . . . . . . . . . Lord made answer he could give . . . . . . but the best is to take the better . . . . . .meaning was thereby the said K . . . . ." Wm. Tayler, Thos. Garwell of Hayle and others, also asked my lord's counsel and had slender answers. Pp. 7. Very much mutilated. Endd.: "Liber Sextus."—Confession of Robert Carre.—"My lord Hussey this is perused deliberat[ly."] The chief points are noted in margin in the same hand as in the two Nos. preceding.
	970. Kendall, Vicar of Louth.
R. O.	"The answer of [Master] Thomas Kendall, bachelor of divinity and vicar of Louth."
	1. Has been vicar of Louth two years at Mich. 2. Is graduate in divinity. 3. Has no knowledge in "necromacy, geomancy, piramancy, cheromancy, or such unlawful sciences." 4. Has used astronomy only to know the course of the Sun, Moon, and Twelve Signs, and not to show things to come, "for he was not so far learned."
	5. The immediate cause of the insurrection was the saying that "men of Hull hath sold their crosses and jewels of their church at York to prevent the King's commissioners." They had indeed long grudged that the King should be Head of the Church, and the putting down of holydays and of monasteries, &c., and it was said "if any o[ne would ry]se all would ryse, and that [it] lacketh but a be[ginni]ng. The people also murmured sore against t . . . . . . ns of the permission of calling them . . . [s]aying that the world would never be good before they [were] put down."
	The insurrection began at Lowth because on Sunday, 1 Oct., the poor men heard that the King's commissioners, with the chancellor, would be there on the morrow; so, to make the keys sure, they took them from the churchwardens. Could not tell who devised this. It was reported that day, at the setting forth of procession, that Thos. Forster said, "Let us have all the crosses before us this day, for we can[not] tell when we shall see them before us again." Cannot tell particularly who grudged against the King's supremacy, &c. That Sunday night, after they "had chosen them a captain called Melton, a shoemaker, they brought him ho . . . . .b . . . . and staves, and after that were assigned . . . . .of them to watch the church that night to the [number] of a dozen, by my estimation." On the morrow they awaited the Commissioners, and the first that came, Mr. John Hennyge, they took "rigorously" and swore. Then came Mr. Frank, registrar to the bp. of Lincoln, from Dr. Raynes, with writings for assessing of benefices, They made him burn his books, except the King's writings, at sight of which they "put off their caps and bade God save the King." Then came Sir Wm. Skypwith, whom they took and swore. Some went to Le[g]burn abbey, and fetched two of my lord Cromwell's servants, whom they laid fast in the moot hall. All priests, both of the town and country, were sworn and charged to ring their common bells, and [brin]ge all their parishioners with them on the morrow to a hill eight miles towards Castre, although Mr. John Hennege tried to pacify them till he had been with the King. They threatened to ha[ng] the rich men of the town at their own doors unless they took their parts. Next morning, Tuesday, all were at mass, and then set out to the number of 100, rich and poor. Deponent staid at home. In the evening they returned with a great number of the town and marsh country, and Sir Robt. Turwhit, Sir Edw. Madyson, Sir Wm. Ascue with them, and "condescended" to send Madyson with their demands. On Wednesday they were joined by Sir Andrew Byllysby and John Etton, and left for Lincoln, where they remained till the captains had been with the duke of Suffolk.
	6. "To the sixth article, he saith that he never heard tell of such things" till the foresaid muster at the hill towards Castre. "That was no . . . . . . . . . . se matters at Lowth, what that was in other places I ca[n not] tell." 7. Did not hear there should be only one church in five miles; the bruit was that chapels should be "foredone." As to the residue of this article— concerning jewels, &c.; there was such a bruit. 8 and 9 he knows nothing of. 10. The matters in 8 and 9 were causes of the insurrection, but those in 7 the immediate cause. 11. Never persuaded them to believe any of these.
	12. (fn. 23) Knows not who devised the bill of demands. Heard it was written by a monk [call]yd Burraby . . . . .was at Louth at the time. Saw a copy of it.
	13. Desires respite to answer this.
	14. Mr. Chapman of Louth and Mr. Etton sent to him and the priests of the church for money to pay the poor men; and after delaying, sent them 5s. for fear of displeasure.
	15. Had no intelligence with Yorkshire.
	16. As to the latter part of this article; had no intelligence out of Lincolnshire. The "cause of his dep[art]y[ng] . . . . . .s plainly spoken . . . . . of Louth should be b . . . . .[w]oman and child should be slain, in token whe[reof some o]f the parishioners sent their children and part of their goods into . . tre;" and when he heard that, he went to his kinsman John Haven, at Saltfleet Haven, for 2 nights, then to Tottell 2 nights, Waynfleet 1, Suthfleet 1, a town 6 miles beyond Ketering 1, Northampton 1, Brakley 1, Oxford 1. There the scholars lay in the country for fear of the plague, so he rode 15 miles beyond to an acquaintance, Dr. Lynsay, in Berkshire. Stayed there till All Hallow Day, and then a week with the parson of Somell [i]ij. miles from Oxford. Then came to Lacester to his fellows, the vicar of St. Martin's and the master of Mr. Wyxson's almshouse, and thence to the Charterhouse of Coventry. There he made labour to be admitted a brother, and on the prior's return from London was accepted. Sent by letter to Louth for his horse in order that he might go and take leave of his parishio[ners]. One of his parishioners who came to fetch him said: "Mr. Vicar, fear n . . . . . . . . will testify f[or] you that ye be not . . . . . . . ych . . . sir as ye be blamed . . . . . . . . co . . . servant to Mr. [P] (fn. 24) Sir Willia[m] . . . . [w]yff of [Cov]entre took . from hy[m that] brought him here. Also he desireth you that shall . . . .tes that in case there be anything laid to hy . . . . hath not call to remembrance now . . displeasure therewith;" promising that if he could recollect more he would.
	As touching an answer to . . [ar]ticle of the abbots, priors, and priests; he never communed of insurrection with any, either of Lincolnshire or Yorkshire. Has been in company with priests who held different opinions about it. Had himself no other desire than to establish the Faith and put down schismatic English b[oo]ks, which deceive the unlearned.
	Explanation of how he came to be with the rebels upon the [Mon]day (?) night, in which it appears he was sent for to read Mr. Frank's books, &c., but they had got Mr. Frank to prison, and the books were read by one Bureaby, a white monk, before he arrived. Pp. 10. Very mutilated and illegible. Endd.: "Libus Octavus;" also "the x book is in my lord Chancellor's hands which toucheth not this matter."
	971. Moigne's Deposition.
R. O.	A statement by Thomas Moigne of the part taken by the gentlemen in the Lincolnshire rebellion.
	Came home to Wyfflyngham from Lincoln on Monday after Michaelmas Day, and heard how the commons of Louth had handled Mr. John Hennege. Sir Robt. Tyrwhit, Sir Wm. Ascue, Sir Thomas Missyldyne, and he were to sit at Castre on the commission of subsidy next day, so he sent to Sir Wm. Ascue to move the other commissioners to meet outside the town, and arrange how to proceed. Ascue's servant, Wm. Barde, brought a similar message from his master on behalf of lord Burghe,"being at Sir Robt. Tyrwhit house with divers other commissioners, as Mr. Portyngton and Mr. Dalyson." Met outside Castre, and learnt there was no assembly there beyond what they had appointed, i.e., four from each of the wapentakes of Yerburght, Walchecroft, Bradley, and Haverstowe. Were going into Castre, when they heard that 10,000 commons were coming within two miles. Determined to depart; but Mr. Dalyson suggested that this would encourage the revolt, if they did not first tell the commons of Castre why they did not sit upon the commission, and urge them to go home before the coming of the commons of Louth. Sent for the commons of Castre, who answered they would not come, but finally came—100 or above. Deponent then declared how the subsidy was given and assessed by the people themselves, and how the rumours about spoiling and pulling down churches were utterly false. Meanwhile the bells of Caster were rung against the commissioners, who thereupon departed, after having, at deponent's suggestion to lord Burghe, agreed to meet next day, Wednesday, at Spetyll; deponent to write to lord Hussey to be there, which he did from his bailiff's house at Osselby. Thought he might go home as the host was past his house seven or eight miles. On reaching home, found all the town there had joined the commons on the warning of a dyer of Louth. Ordered his bows and arrows to be brought down into the hall. Just then came a messenger from one John Sheffield, and this messenger in his return met a party of commons, and told them deponent was at home and preparing his bows and arrows to defend his house. Heard that Sir Robt. Tyrwhit, Sir Wm. Ascue, Mr. Porttyngton, and others were taken; and so, for the safety of his wife, then lying ill without hope of life, and that his house should not be spoiled, he wrote to Sir Wm. Ascue to move the commons not to send against him such as would further frighten his wife or spoil his house. Had caused saddle his horses when his brother came and showed that such watch was kept that it was impossible to pass the country. At 7 a.m. word came from Sir Wm. Ascue that the commons would stay till they had answer to a letter they had sent the King by Sir Edward Madyson, and advising deponent to keep the great court in the Isle of Axholm, warned for next day, Thursday. Then came the constable of the town where deponent dwells, and said they of Rasyn had rung warning bells, and now all the towns round were ringing bells. Told him not to "mell." There now came a great number of persons from Rasyns, who had taken Thomas and Francis, two sons of Sir William Ascue, and George Eatton, a servant of lord Hussey's, and certain letters. They said they would have deponent take their part, and one of them, a butcher, brought a book out of deponent's chapel and administered the oath, and he rode with them to Louth. By the way they told him what false traitors lord Hussey and the mayor of Lincoln were to the commons; for they had taken from Eatton a letter from Hussey to Tyrwhit and Ascue, saying he had heard from the dean of Lincoln that "certain false rebellion knaves were risen about Louth" whom he desired them to put down. They had also taken from Eatton a letter signed by the mayor of Lincoln, saying he had received a letter from lord Hussey concerning the insurrection in Lyndsey. Eatton and Sir Wm. Ascue's sons had been in great danger. Tried to get them to keep the said letters secret, as the commons of Louth were stayed till they heard from the King, but they said they must needs show them; they would, however, not disclose the bringer. The commons, when they heard the letter, were in such fury that they rang the common bell. Intended to divide them into wapentakes, but just then the men of Alford came in with Sir Andrew Byllesby and Mr. Forsett and others, and word came that lord Burgh was approaching with 10,000 men, so it was proclaimed that every man should go to his dinner. After dinner they were severed into wapentakes, each of which had for captain the commissioner who dwelt in it. The commissioners tried to dissuade them from going forward, but could not, and so determined to stay them at Lincoln. They made the gentlemen send home for their harness, and made the commissioners write to lord Hussey and the mayor of Lincoln to know if they would take the commons' part. At supper arrived one Burrobe, a monk of Louth Park, from the commons of Horncastle, with the copy of certain articles to be sent to the King. He said the commons of Horncastle had that day slain the bishop's chancellor and hanged one Wulcye. About midnight the commons of Louth rang their bell and gathered in the market place, saying they would be betrayed by the men of worship, all of whom had that day urged their companies not to go forward. Some advised slaying them then in their beds, but it was resolved to prove them further. Next day all went forward to Tows, and Moigne joined his company at Hambleton Hill. All were for going forward, but Moigne showed them it was time to sow wheat and till the land against next year, and advised that a certain number should be sent by each town. Just then he was told that one Nicholas Gyrlyngton, Robt. Ascue, and one Aske were come from the commons of West Ankome to ask the cause of their insurrection and where they would be the next day. Knowing that Gyrlyngton and Ascue were quiet men, and thinking, as the said Aske "was toward the law," he would also be a man of quietness, deponent intended to speak with them secretly, and show what the gentlemen had devised for staying of the commons. Was going down to speak with them when the commons said they would hear what was said, so he sent for them to come up the hill. They desired to view the company. Has never since seen Aske, "ne heard of him but as all men hath done." Next day, Friday, all mustered at Dunham Heath and went forward to Lincoln to bed. Next day Sir Chr. Ascue was sent with 500 to fetch lord Hussey and Sir John Themolby, and deponent with 200, to fetch Sir John Sutton, Robt. Sutton, his brother, and the Disneys. While they were away the men of worship of Louth and Horncastle met at Mile Cross, towards Netlame, and reformed somewhat the articles made by Horncastle, for they were "wondrous unreasonable and foolish." This was done for an occasion to desire the commons to stay there for an answer. Lay in the town that night and joined the men of worship next morning, when the articles so framed were read to the commons. That day, while the gentlemen and divers commons were in the chapter house of Lincoln minster, two messengers arrived from Beverley with a letter under their common seal to the commons of Lincolnshire, saying that, hearing the commons of Lincolnshire were risen, they too had risen, and asking the cause of the rising and offering help. The commissioners had then needs send copies of the articles and a letter to Beverley by Guy Kyme and one Dune. The commons were for going forward at once, but the gentlemen stayed them. Then, while they were still in the chapter house, came two men of Halyfaxe, who said their country was also up and ready to aid Lincolnshire. On this the commons were furious and would needs go forward, but the gentlemen stayed them at the risk of their lives, saying it would be high treason not to await the King's answer. Next day, Monday, the articles were fair written, signed by the gentlemen at Mile Cross, and sent to the King. The commons were stayed on the understanding that they should have the goods of those who had fled if these came not in upon warning to be given. On Tuesday afternoon, the gentlemen being in the chapter house, some 300 of the commons brought Sir Edward Madyson's servant with the King's letter to Sir Robt. Tyrwhit, Sir Wm. Ascue, Sir Wm. Skipwith, and Sir Edward, and also a letter from the duke of Suffolk to the same, which the commons insisted on hearing. Moigne read the King's letter, and as there was a little clause in it which might stir the commons, he omitted it; whereupon a canon, the parson of Snelland, said the letter was falsely read, and Moigne was like to be slain. Some 200 of the commons withdrew into the cloister, where they said the gentlemen intended clearly to deceive them, and, after much debate, agreed to kill deponent and his fellows as they came out at the west door of the minster, but their servants conveyed them out by the south door to the Chancellor's house, and the commons put off killing them till the morning. Debated what was to be done, and Moigne advised that, if they could make reasonable force they should fight rather than go forward, otherwise that they should keep the Close till the King's power should rescue them. Sent for the most honest men of their companies and persuaded them of the danger of going forward. Next morning the gentlemen in harness, with the honest men in array, met the commons in the fields, and said they would in no wise go forward till they had answer from the King, because they had undertaken to be suitors to his Highness and had written to the duke of Suffolk for his intercession. That night came Mr. Lancaster, a herald-ofarms, and used himself so wisely with the commons that after much persuasion they agreed to go home, leaving the gentlemen to sue by letter for their pardon. Thus most of them departed before Friday night. On Saturday morning certain of the gentlemen came to the duke of Suffolk, leaving the rest of the most substantial men to stay the country.
	"Pleaseth it your Lordship to understand that I have not here written" all the policies used to stay the commons or all the dangers we were in, for I do not remember all. They would fill a volume. Signed: Thomas Moigne. Pp. 20. Endd.: Declaration of Thomas Moigne, also "Liber undecimus."
3 Nov. R. O.	972. The Lincolnshire Rebellion.
	"Liber Duodecimus."
	[Examination taken before] Sir John Sent John kny[ght] and R . . . . . . the third of November ao xxviijo Hen. viijvi.
	Examinations of 21 persons of Lowth and 1 of Market Rasyn. Most of them agree as to the words of Thomas Foster (fn. 25) at the procession and that Robt. Norman gave Jocken Sene (fn. 25) a penny or pennyworth of ale to demand the keys of the church jewels from the churchwardens, the general belief that the jewels would be taken, &c. Special points appear in the evidence of:—
	John Stase:—James Dawson (fn. 25) was a prime mover, and Thos. Manby (fn. 25) said if he had been at home Bellowe and Melysen[t] had been hanged. Guy Cayme, Wm. Asbye, Wm. Ratheby, and one Manby, a gentleman dwelling in St. John's at Mawteby, collected money from priests. Sir William vicar of Awfforthe and Sir Robt. Beneson encouraged him to go forward.
	John Hareson has heard of Forster's words "[since] he came into the castle."
	"Wm. Colleson:—Rob. Fysscher, Guy Cayme, (fn. 25) and Wm. [Kynge] (fn. 25) were petty captains.
	Harry Sandersone:—The parsons of Stewton, Manbye, and Welton, gave them money.
	Thos. Manby:—Did nothing to Bellowe and Melysent "but was the[re when] he was taken." Heard that Guy Cayme carried letters to the North from the justices. Sir Thos. Beache, parson of Wellton, gave them 40s, and the parsons of Manbye, Byskerthorpe, and Donyngton, aided them.
	Thos. Noble:—Thos. Foster and Robt. Fysher were paymasters. John Bell and Guy Cayme went into the North.
	John Overey:—The priests were the occasion of this business. The parsons of Helloff offered them 40l. and the parsons of Somarcokes and Welton and dean of Mukton aided and encouraged them. Guy Cayme went from Lincoln to York and John Bell from Lowthe to Hull, and the two met at York: before that there was no stir in the North. Cayme went on Friday and returned on Monday with word that they of the North were ready to meet at Newa[rk] or Doncaster. John Bell did not return till after the break up at Lincoln.
	John Smythson:—Wished to tarry at home, but Guy Cayme and Wm. Asbye said he must go.
	John Tayler:—"The parson of Stewton, ij. parsons of Sowthesomarcoke [and] of Bysearthorpe, the vicar of Hauton with the great Cloubbe," and many other priests were at Louth on the Monday; and but for them the people had been stayed by Mr. Hennyche.
	Harry Chylde:—On Monday there were in the Market Place (fn. 26) "xl priests and they said with a loud voice Let us go forward and ye shall lack no money."
	John Harreson:—They would never have gone forward but for the compulsion of Guy Cayme, (fn. 26) Robt. Bayle, Robt. Fysher, Robt. and Thos. Spencer, and one Robt. Cardemaker who were petty captains. There went with them of priests of Lowthe Sir Wm. Dy . . . with a bow and half a sheaf of arrows, "Sir Thomas Lyncolne a . . . Sir Thomas More a staff." The parsons of Man and Wellton gave 40s. each. Pp. 8 (exclusive of title page). Much stained and worn at the edges. Endd.
	973. The Lincolnshire Rebellion.
R. O.	Depositions of certain men of Boston, Alford, Lynwood, Halton, Waddyngton, Immyngam, Hackthorn, and Kester concerning the Lincolnshire rebellion. The most striking depositions are:—
	John Foster of Boston:—On 4 Oct., by the sheriff's command, he warned the town to be ready to serve the King. The following Friday they assembled and received a letter from the sheriff Thomas Dymock, Matthew Thymbelby and others, desiring them to be at Ankester Heath the next Sunday.
	Arthur Wasshingley of Awford:—Wm. Johnson vicar of Alford, who had been at Lowth on the 2nd Oct. rang their common bell on the 4th. His townsmen took Sir Andrew Bylsby, Edward Fossatt, Thos. Thoby and others, and swore them.
	John Wolson of Lynwood:—Went with the commons of Market Reson to Lowth, where he heard read a letter from lord Hussey to Sir Robt. Tyrwhit and Sir Wm. Askue desiring them to hasten to Lincoln to "defend the commons and rebellious from the town." (fn. 27) Tyrwhit and Askew were taken at Castre; Mr. Thos. Moyn was "fett" from his house by force.
	Thos. Yoell, [a]ged and blind, parson of Sotby, heard a monk named Borowby read at Lowth Cross on the 2nd day a letter declaring the King would have all parish churches 6 miles apart. Part of a paper roll of 4 sheets stitched together, very much worn and worm eaten. The greater part of the first sheet has got detached from the roll, but two separate fragments remain. Endd: The deposition of William D . . of Boston and other. And in another hand: Liber xix.
3 Nov. R. O.	974. The Lincolnshire Rebellion.
	" . . . ells imp . . . of Lyncolne examined by Thomas Lawe, baylif of . . . ey, and William Sharington, the three day of November," as hereafter appears by their confessions.
	Richard Dylcoke of Humberston confesses he came to Lowethe on Wednesday 3rd of "the said month," and was forced to take oath and ride back and summon the people of Humberston before Sir Wm. As[kew] (fn. 28) and Sir Robt. Tyrwit (fn. 28) that night.
	Edw. Richerdeson of Thymbleby says William Le[che] (fn. 28) of Horncastle, Tuesday, 2 Oct., stirred the people to rise to save the church jewels from the bishop's officers.
	John Mossom, of Grymbilby :—He and his townsmen went to Lowth and were under Sir Wm. Skipwith, (fn. 28) captain, and John Ingleby, (fn. 28) of Grymbilby, petty captain.
	John Warde, taken for a spy with Sir John Willoughby's servants passing from Newarke to Boston, Wednesday, 25 Oct. Knows nothing of the rebellion.
	Wm. [La]ngley (?), priest, says one Gye Keme, (fn. 28) of Lowth was sent to Yorkshire. On the 1st of the said month, certain vagabonds chose Nich. Melton, shoemaker, their captain against the bishop's officers. One Burreby, (fn. 28) a [monk of] Lowethe park, went to Oovingham, forced the late abbot there to give him a gelding, and then returned to the rebels; afterwards, when they dispersed, he went to Yorkshire.
	John Kingeston, vicar of Teteney, says that on the 4th, Ric. Dylcoke, (fn. 28) afore examined, rode through the town crying, "Ring the common b[ell]." On the 5th, Thos. Bower, (fn. 28) petty captain for the township, rode towards him "with a two-handed sword drawn in his hand, saying By God's blood if thou wilt not go with us thou shalt lose thy head." So he was with them till Saturday.
	John Whightacre, priest, servant to Robt. Knolls, bailiff of Burton (Barton) upon Humber, was compelled by the rebels to wear harness three days. Pp. 2, much worn, with marginal notes in another hand.
	975. The Lincolnshire Rebellion.
R. O.	Fo. 1. The abbot and divers canons of Barlings, accused by Edward and Thomas Dymmocke, Robt. Dyghton, and George Staynes of aiding the commons, and urging them forward. (fn. 28) Divers monks (unknown) of Kyrsted, Sir Edmund of Goltha, priest, and Thos. Trusse, of Kyrsted, fisher, are also accused of being with the commons, the two latter also of urging them to kill the gentlemen. (fn. 28) Wm. Leche, Philip Trottar, Wm. Longbothom, and one Lovett, of Horncastle, and Robt. Leche, of Fullabye, accused by Arthur Dymmocke as ringleaders. Ric. Mekylwhite, of Horncastle, accused by Thos. Lyttelbury, advised killing the gentlemen, and was a causer of George Wolseye's death. A smith of Wargby (Wragby), accused by Wm. Wyllowghby, advised killing the gentlemen. Roger Saddelar, of Horncastle, accused by John Hastings, said if he met Hastings or any other gentleman he would ring the common bell against them. Sir Ralph Gray, priest of Crofte, accused by Wm. Quadring, was at Lowth, and afterwards raised the commons of Crofte. Thomas Daye, of Braytofte, accused by Austen Massingberd, smote Sir William Sandon's horse on the head, so that both he and his horse fell; and Daye then cried "Let us kill him."Thos. Tetney of Partney, accused by Wm. Ustwyte, "pulled him beside his horse" and threatened him with his dagger, and said if he could get the false churl Sir Wm. Sandon he would kill him. Sir Leche, (fn. 29) parson of Belcheforth, and his brother Robert, accused by Ralph Greyne, roused Horncastle, and then went to Screvillysbe and took Mr. [Sheri]ffe and the gentlemen.
	Fo. 2. Robt. Halle of H. . . ., accused by Lybeus Alcoke of attacking Ric. Alcoke, his brother, at Horncastle, as a traitor to the commons. Wm. Leche, Wm. Longbothom, and Ph. Trotter, of Horncastle, accused by Thos. Mayhewe, came to Byllingsbroke with a company to take the Chancellor, (fn. 30) whom they would have dragged from his bed but for Mayhew. To Trotter, who had much influence, the Chancellor gave 20s. to save him. Thos. Smythe, of Spyllisbye [was very desirous to kill the surveyor]. (fn. 31) "Bryan Stonys was he which killed the Chancellor." John Barker and other servants of the abbot of Kyr[sted], accused by Ric. Burwell of bringing victual and canvas to the commons. Robt. Balding, . . . ., and Thomas Smyth were noted leaders of "that town," and set Thomas Whatley alias Merchaunt in the stocks for being backward, and forced the bailey and Peter Pyggott to deliver them the harness in Grysbye Place, and sent for 6l. 13s. 4d. of the church money, and had the money in Dr. Reyne's purse. (fn. 32) John Grene, Robt. Cottenam, and James Alee, of Spyllesby, were willing agents of Balding and Smyth, and broke open the doors of Westerdell parsonage, "to have killed" Mr. Gyldon, and threatened the parson of Willoughby. Sir Robert Bromwight, parson of Nether Toynton, and the vicar of Haynton were with the commons. John Smythe alias Piper, of Nunormseby, accused by John Skypwith of going about Lincoln with "hand belles" after the stay by the gentlemen. John Mossom, of Grymolbe, accused by John Lyndesay, advised striking off Sir Wm. Skipwith's head.
	Fo. 3. The parson of Sotheby, accused by John Lyndesay, called the King's council false harlots, for devising false laws to spoil the spiritualty at the procurement of lord Crumewell. (fn. 33) James Atkynson, tailor, accused by Godfray Lyndsay, said, in the chapterhouse at Lincoln they ought to kill some of the justices; also that if any were hanged for this they would not leave one gentleman alive in Lincolnshire. Sir Robt. Browne, vicar of Hallyngton, Sir Thomas Whithous and Thomas Whithouse are accused by Thos. Billesby as instigators. The parson of Gayton, accused by Wm. Manbye, after the Commission had commanded no bell to be rung, did ring the bell. Wm. Wylson, of Alford, and James Markeby, accused by Edward Forseit. The vicar of Salleby was busy. Wm. Bowraby, sometime monk of Lowth park, was an outrider, and Melton and Balnens, of Lowth, were captains. The parson of Snellam said to the gentlemen, when the King's letter was read in the chapterhouse, that it "was wrong read." The parson of Byskerthorpe was busy. Wm. Davyson, of Burwell, accused by Wm. Wymbyge of threatening him. Arthur Wassingley, accused by Jas. Packe, was very busy. Wm. Harryson, shoemaker, and others were the beginners at Markeby. John Cocke of Mabelthorpe, and others said at Lincoln they wished they could destroy Sir Andrew Billisby, who would deceive them. Sir John Wappelott, late prior of Wellowe, suppressed, accused by John Hatclyffe of charging him, the King's officer, to join the commons, saying it should be seen whether his brother, Thomas Hatclyffe could keep him or not. John Skrevyn of Castrope, and Goodhyppam, a butcher of Glamysforthe Bridge, and one Kell were ringleaders. Toynton, of Hacthorne, and Levenyng, of Barnaby, accused by John Tornor.
	Fo. 4. Ric. Burwell, constable of Potter Hanworthe, says he asked counsel of Mr. Robert Sutton, (fn. 34) who answered he had been with lord Hussey (fn. 35) and could see no remedy but to do as the commons did. Two days after, one Bayldy (fn. 36) came with a great number of commons, and charged the town to bring in their harness.
	Sayings of Thos. Kychyn, John Rede, of Madynkell, Wm. Welworthe, Ric. Fletcher, Wm. Hurte, and Thos. Wade, of Farforthe, to Edw. Sapcote. Sir Wm. Skypwith, and Edw. Forsett, 28 Oct. 28 H. VIII.:—That Sir Simon Maltby, parson of Farforthe, was, on Saturday before the insurrection, before Dr. Reynes, the bishop of Lincoln's chancellor, at Bollyngebrook, at the court for the valuation of benefices; and, returning home, reported that their silver chalices were to be given to the King in exchange for tin ones, and that he and other priests had determined to strike down the said chancellor, and trusted in the support of their neighbours. The Sunday after the insurrection, Sir Simon prayed for the Pope and [Colle]ge of Cardinals.
	Thomas Taylbois, of . . . . . . .beside Spillisbe, says certain priests of the deanery and—(blank) of Lowtheske were at Bullyngbroke, to see what order the bishop's chancellor would take with the priests of the deanery of Bullyngbroke, and, seeing the latter content with the order, said they would not be so ordered nor examined in their learning. Supposes the priests of Bollingbroke can give the names of those of Lowtheske.
	The vicar of Tettney says Ric. D[ym]oke roused that town on the Wednesday. Was threatened by Thos. Bowyer with a two-handed sword.
	Mem. to enquire of the priests of Bullyngbroke deanery the names of those of Lowtheske deanery.
	Fo. 5. Mem. to send for Rud[de o]f Croxston, who "put the petitions of the traitors to write to one Surdon of Lincoln, clerk to Peter Afford, registrar of the archdeaconry of Lincoln." In the hearing of Thos. Walker, servant to Mr. Mallere, the vicar of Haynton "having a great club in his hand, said that if he had Crumwell there he would beat out his guts." Leonard Bawdery, Hewe Slefforde, Wm. Hudson, jun., and Thos. Smythe, accused by John Tameworthe, raised Leeke, Leverton, and Wrangle, and rung bells backwards three days after the justices had prohibited it, and spoiled Tameworthe's house. Henry Forman, of Awyngham, says Sir William Hutton, vicar of Cocryngton and Leonard and John, his brothers, harnessed one Wm. Kendell to raise the town, &c.: also that Jas. Williamson, of Cocryngton, led his fellow townsmen to Lincoln, and that Wm. Maners, of Awyngham, tailor, said the duke of Suffolk brought down two loads of halters; Thos. Harborowe, of Awyngham, led his neighbours to Lincoln. Sir Robert Bromwhite, one of the parsons of Nether Toynton, went with the commons in harness and urged them forward.
	Fo. 6. Alexander Do[lman], (fn. 37) of Spyllysby, took the chancellor's purse when he was slain, and also took a purse from a fellow at a cross way. He was one of the spoilers of Greysbe Place, and "put one Ustewytte, a gentleman, besides his horse," and threatened him with a dagger: and was the associate of Robt. Balding and Thos. Smythe against the parson of Willoughby. Saying of the bailey of Spyllysbe:—That John Greyn forced him to pay 6s. 8d., for riding his mare three miles to stay the commons, and ordered him to bring a cartload of victuals from the town. John Grene confesses this.
	[Fo.] 8. Philip Trotter [of Horncas]tell, accused by Edward Dymmoke, took the coat armour of Sir Lyon Dymmoke from Horncastle Church, where he was buried, and wore it, carrying the standard in his hands. Sotteby of Horncastle, draper, was one of the busiest at first. Richard Mekylwhite, as Edw. Dymmoke heard say, hanged Wolsaye. Walt. Plomer and Edmund Shoemaker, of Market Reason, Dauson of Middle Reason, and Wylson of Lynwood would, as Sir Wm. Ascugh says, have slain his sons but for Ric. Clarke: Geo.Huddeswell, Geo. Pormorde (?) of Salleby, the bailiff of Middle Reason, and Walt. Redmayn of Fulstowe were captains at the taking of Sir Wm. Ascugh. The parson of Gaytton, (fn. 38) vicar of Tetney, (fn. 38) Sir Robert Skerne, (fn. 38) priest, &c., were the busiest at [Lo]wthe. Wm. Taster and Robt. Tharrold of Immyngham were for killing him (Sir Wm. Ascugh). The parson of Snelland and Tharrold of Immyngham, accused by Thomas Morgan, were ringleaders. Walter Plumar followed the gentlemen to Stamford, and at his return to Lincoln said he would ring the common bell. A dyer of Lowthe raised Northwillingham. (fn. 38) Sir Edmund of Goltha, priest, and Hall of Langton almost caused Simon Morgan to be slain.
	Names of the ringleaders at Lowthe, &c.:—Nic. Melton, cordwainer, Wm. Ashen, alias Bonus, tailor, John Cayne, cobbler, and John and Henry Plombar, who received money of divers priests, John Smythson, sawyer, Ric. Clattercotts, butcher, Hen. Sanderson, cordwainer, John Tailor, weaver, the common crier, John Noble, cordwainer, who cast down the common bell string after the stay, Wm. Collynson, butcher, John Wylson, sawyer, one of the beginners, Wm. Bowraby, monk, "having his capacity," Sir William, parish priest of Lowthe, John Smythe, alias Piper of Nunormesby, Wm. Walker, husbandman, of Manby, Mosame and Mosham of Grymolby, Sir Robt. Benson, parson of Gaytton, the parsons of Sneland Byskerthorpe and the vicars of Sailbe and Haynton. Pp. 13. Worn. Headed: "A brygement." Endd.: Abr. of the confessions of the abbot of Barlings and others.
3 Nov. Add. MS. 8,715, f. 299 b.	976. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio.
	It appears that the affairs of the king of England are not going on well. It is even said that he is more than half besieged in a castle (in una terra); but the issue will soon be known. Ital., p. 1. Modern copy. Headed: Al Signor Mons. Ambrogio. Da Castellerhault, li 3 Novembre 1536.
4 Nov. R. O.	977. Henry VIII. to the Officers of Gravesend, Dover, Calais, etc.
	Passport, notwithstanding the general restraint, for F[rancis] de la Mare, and all posts and couriers sent by the King or ambassadors in England to leave the realm. Windsor, 4 Nov., 28 Hen. VIII. Signed with a stamp,
4 Nov. R. O.	978. Sir Piers Eggecombe to Cromwell.
	When last with you I made suit for the town of Launceston to have some liberties in relief of its poverty. A bill was devised which you approved, and said you hoped to get it signed. I hope when you have time you will not forget it. Stonehowsse, 4 Nov. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
4 Nov. R. O.	979. Suffolk and Others to Fitzwilliam.
	Received his letter on Saturday at 4 p.m. Are much comforted by his news. Lincoln, 4 Nov., 6 p.m. Signed: Charlys Suffolke.— J. Russell.—Franssys Bryan.—Antone Browne.—Wyll'm Parre. P. 1. Add.: To our very good lord, my lord Admiral. Endd.
4 Nov. R. O.	980. Sir Brian Hastynges to John Sampall.
	I marvel you bear such malice against the King's true subjects; but I trust it shall not lie in your power to do any of them wrong. I charge you on your head do no harm to this priest, the bearer. Hattefeld, 4 Nov. Copy, p. 1.
Nov. R. O.	981. John Gladwyn to Cromwell.
	Will. Barnerd, the King's enemy, "ys jocundare cum amicis by reason that he hath riches to buy him friends, and because I am poor and ever loved to spend my body and goods in the King's service and wars, I am lying wretchedly in irons." My only hope is in you and the King, for whom I cannot suffer overmuch pain. Leicester Gaol, Saturday next after All Hallow Day. Hol., p. 1. Add.: My lord Private Seal. Endd.
4 Nov. R. O.	982. John Warner [Warden of All Souls' College] to Cromwell.
	The fellows have agreed to grant a lease of Skotney to Master Culpeper, Cromwell's servant, without fine and for as many years as they may, that is 20. Has sealed and delivered the lease to Culpeper; 200l. was offered for the lease by one of their fellows, who is inceptor doctor-in-law, in the hearing of Master Darell. Is sorry that Cromwell thinks he has dealt slenderly with him in this matter. Asks Cromwell to give credence to Culpeper and to others who are not utterly his foes, of which he has many for his faithfulness to Cromwell, especially his scholars of the faculty of law, for they think he was the mover of this matter, to put Thos. Struggle from the farm, with whom they had agreed before, and also fear that he has gone about to have the statutes reformed. They have conceived such a grief against him that without Cromwell's favor, he shall not be able to dwell amongst them. All Solen Colledge in Oxford, 4 Nov. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
4 Nov. Otho, C. ix. 92.* B. M.	983. Jaques Pellequin (?), prior of Aquitaine, to [Henry VIII].
	Having heard from Montpellier of the death of their master Didier de Ste Jalhe not many months after his assumption of office, have elected Joannes Omedes "bajulivus de Caspe" an Arragonese, as their new master. Have written more fully to Sir Will. Waston. Malta, 4 Nov. 1536. Signed. Lat., p. 1. Mutilated.
5 Nov. Add. MS. 25,114, f. 218. B. M.	984. Henry VIII. to Gardiner and Wallop.
	Has received their letters and credence by John Hutton, governor of the Merchant Adventurers in Flanders. Perceives that the late insurrections have been reported in a very exaggerated manner. They were attempted in consequence of false reports spread among the people by certain seditious persons who are in the danger of the laws, who hoped to have gained something in the tumult and fled out of the kingdom. When the people learned from those who were sent to repress them that they had been deceived, they lamented their offences and desired the King's pardon. Both in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire every man withdrew to his house; the Lincolnshire men themselves took a number of the principal traitors and delivered into the hands of the King's lieutenant all the harness and weapons within the whole shire. Does not intend to use any rigour towards the Yorkshire men, who lament their traitorous attempt, but enforce them to follow the example of the Lincolnshire men in the apprehension of their ringleaders. Yet both shires are at the King's mercy, "neither having our pardon ne any certain promise of the same." They may not only be bold to state this, but also that the King had in readiness within six days against each of these two insurrections two such armies as would have devoured the rebels and remained capable of giving battle to the greatest prince christened. Thanks God his subjects were so ready to have fought against the rebels that he was rather enforced to keep them back than spur them on. People are now in good quiet without a blow having been struck.
	Pomerey arrived lately. He expressed the causes of his coming to be specially four. First, to tell him that the French king is in good health, and express his thanks for Henry's friendly advice. Second, to know the state of the King's health. Third, to treat for the marriage of the princess Mary to Mons. d'Angoulême. Fourth, to intimate that Francis was going to marry his daughter to the king of Scots. The King replied, touching Mary, that he had made no such offer, and that he did not hold her in so small estimation as not to be worth being asked for. As to the marriage of the king of Scots, he thought it strange after the many protestations of Francis on that subject. Referred Pomerey for further answer to his Council. He and the ambassador here resident have since been in conference to remodel the overture for the princess Mary and to turn the word "offer" into "a desire and an earnest suit." The King intends to make no hasty answer to that, but will perhaps allow Pomerey to leave with an uncertain answer, so that when he comes back he may learn to proceed more directly. Windsor, 5 Nov., 28 Hen. VIII. Signed and sealed. Pp. 7. In Wriothesley's hand. Add.: To the bishop of Winchester and Sir J. Wallop, &c. Endd.
[5 Nov.] R. O.	985. Thomas Hennege to Cromwell.
	The King's pleasure is that you should stay Sir Ralph Eldercar and Mr. Bowes till his Highness and you and the rest of the Council have communed together again, which should be tonight or tomorrow betimes. Windsor, Sunday at noon. Signed. P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
[5 Nov.] R. O.	986. Fitzwilliam to Cromwell.
	To night the King told him that such news had come from the lord Steward and my lord of Rutland, that he wishes Sir Rauf Ellercar and Bowes to be stopped till he can speak with Cromwell, if they are not past London. If they are, a post is to be sent to stay them till further orders. Windsor, Sunday night. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.: lord Admiral.
	987. Alesius to [Cranmer].
R. O.	A letter on the subject of the Northern rebellion denying that the suppression of the monasteries, those slaughterhouses of the conscience, had been the cause of it. Speaks of the cruelty of the rebels in hacking King's messengers to pieces alive and tearing them with dogs. And though the rebels demanded the death of those councillors by whom the Gospel has been promoted, they showed clearly how little they were animated by the Gospel spirit or cared about purer doctrine when even those Lutheran books as they call them would have taught them to die honorably in silence rather than raise a rebellion on account of an unjust exaction or even on account of religion. The real cause of the rebellion was no new doctrine but the papistical doctrine which taught the Lincolnshire rustics to take arms against their King in defence of priestly and monkish insanities. The real way to promote the Gospel and the peace of the republic is to get rid entirely of the papistical leaven, of the profanation of masses for the living and the dead, unchaste celibacy, monastic vows, and other impious dogmas on which their wealth and power is founded. Urges that no longer truce be conceded to them, but all impiety and hypocrisy should be torn to pieces at once, even in the teeth of the bishops if necessary, and priests constituted who shall preach a pure gospel, and that they should not be admitted by the favour of the bishops but after examination in the universities, which also require reform, being governed too much by those who do not favor the Gospel. Lectures should also be instituted in the larger towns for the benefit of priests who cannot attend the universities and schools founded in every city in which boys may imbibe the elements of piety with their letters. Refers in illustration to the duke of Saxony who, following the example of Josaphat and Josias, has preserved peace in his dominion while others have been disturbed with civil dissensions. Has ventured to offer these suggestions out of regard for his reverend Lordship and notwithstanding his numerous occupations. Hol., Lat., pp. 5. Endd.
	988. Alesius to [Cromwell].
R. O.	Can more easily bear to seem troublesome to his Lordship than to be oppressed with poverty. The latter ill can be relieved by Cromwell's favor, which if he lose he suffers a double hardship. Did not expect to be accused of importunity, as he had neither received nor asked for anything since Whitsuntide, and he had not only Cromwell's warrant to ask for money every quarter, but when his Lordship received his writing about tithes at Windsor he even ordered him to come hither. Knows he can do nothing worth such a stipend, but Cromwell might free himself from his importunity by providing him with a prebend. Hol., Lat., p. 1. Endd.: Alesius studens.
5 Nov. R. O.	989. Suffolk and Others to Henry VIII.
	Before this, Ralph Evers, the King's servant, for keeping the castle of Scarborough against the rebels, sent, by bearer, for certain victuals, powder, &c.; which the writers sent him, as they wrote the King in their last letters, and now have his letters of receipt. Evers has this day sent the same messenger for further aid. Send him on to the King. Lincoln, 5 Nov., 5 p.m. Signed: Charlys Suffolk—J. Russell—Franssys Bryan— Antone Browne—Wyll'm Parr. P. 1. Add. Endd.
[5 Nov.] R. O.	990. Rich. Cromwell to Cromwell.
	Is very pensive, both to be so long absent and not to hear from his Lordship. Never thought so long in all his life to hear from him. Lord Darcy has set up his tents and "hales" well furnished with necessaries. Sir Robert Constable makes sure bulwarks in Hull. Refers for other news to my lord's letter to the King. Desires credence for John Freman, the bearer, as he believes there are some who show Cromwell a good face and slender love. All your servants here with me and at Grimsby with Mr. Broun be in good health. Lincoln, Sunday night. Signed. P. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.
5 Nov. R. O.	991. Anthoinette de Saveuses to Lady Lisle.
	I have received your letters of the 2 Oct., but have been very ill with a catarrh for three weeks, and am not yet quite recovered. You write that you will be glad to forward these presents to Abbeville for Madame de Riou, for I do not think she is at Pont de Remy by reason of the war. She has much to suffer from various kinds of troubles. She has a great charge of small children, and has lost by the war 15,000 [livres]; but her worst troubles greatly exceed that, and yet I would not write them. I know not how to obtain for her the consolation I would desire. I am sorry I have given you so much trouble in asking you for "ung troes cartier" of some fine stuff for the top of the pavilion of the Holy Sacrament. I thought that you had some such thing with you, and would not have asked you to buy it for me. I beg you to forward these letters with diligence, for I am anxious for an answer. I send you a little remembrance. Dunkirk, 5 Nov. Hol., Fr., p. 1. Add.

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