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May 2.
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672. TOMSON to DAVISON.
The enclosed was sent me from Barn Elms where my master
lies during the Queen's absence from here ; which has been since
Wednesday last, 'being looked for' here again to-night. If I had
anything worth advertisement before you set out for England, I
would acquaint you with it, but we have no more than the letter
contains.—Whitehall, 2 May 1579.
Add. 10 ll. [Ibid. XI. 113.]
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May 4.
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673. STURMIUS to WALSINGHAM.
At the last Frankfort fair were published three Antipappi which
I wrote for foreign Churches—yours for instance, those of Scotland,
France, Italy, even Spain ; where there are assemblies of pious
people, all of one opinion about the Lord's Supper, and all alike endangered
by the condemnation set on foot in Saxony by Jacobus
Andreas, whom Philip Melanchthon when he returned to Saxony
after the colloquy of Worms in the year '57, used to call the
Suabian fool.
These Antipappi have however appeared without a preface from
me, which should not have been. I have commissioned Hubert
Languet to send some copies to you, my patrons, if he can get any ;
for nearly all were carried off at the fair. I wish them however to
submit to the judgement, which I know they do not despise, of yourself
and the Lord Treasurer.
I wish you would tell me to whom I should appeal, and to whom
I should write the preface, so as to be able to rely on his patronage.
I am thinking of our lady the Queen ; but as it is a great matter, I
fear I might not satisfy either the cause of your churches which I
am defending, or the wise and highly trained judgement of that
Princess.
I am thinking also of Augustus the Elector of Saxony, if my
Antipappi might haply reconcile him to your side. I and my friend
at Strasburg hear they give pleasure, and people wish they had
been published two years ago when Andreas' formula of agreement
was being discussed in Saxony.
[I hope] you are willing and able to advise the Queen to send
another embassy to the two Electors, Saxony and the Margrave,
and some of the leading provinces. People think that the Elector
Augustus is getting a little tired of the determination into which he
was led by the persuasion of men few in number, but cunning and
fraudulent ; whose wiles, what man is cautious and wary enough to
avoid? I write what is approved not by me alone, but by many
others, at this time when many who subscribed are hesitating and
wavering.
I may add that there is a quarrel between Jacobus Andreas and
Saleneccerus ; and Saleneccerus has been removed by the Elector
from his office, one of great dignity in Saxony. That seems indeed
to be in favour of Andreas ; but I think otherwise and hope the
Prince sees more sharply, and has made up his mind to wash away
the darkness cast over him by crafty and ambitious men.
So much for public affairs. I come to myself, who have been
sticking on the same Caucasus and being tortured for 17 years and
more. I wrote at length to the King of Navarre's Ambassador ; I
will see that a copy is sent you by Languet that you may understand
the disgraceful business.
I am compelled to ask everybody's help, that I may not be wholly
ruined. I have written to Daniel Rogers about the necessity of this ;
and I intreat you to learn it from him and assist a poor old man. I
was the first, sometimes the only one, to help all men, and now I am
deserted by all men.—Strasburg, 4 May 1579.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. Latin. 2 pp. [German States I. 75.]
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[May 9.]
(See Cecil
Papers vol. ii,
p. 292.)
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674. The QUEEN to POULET.
'Duplicate of her Majesty's letter written to her ambassador
resident with the Most Christian King.'
Whereas M. de Simier in the negotiation which we caused certain
of our Council to hold with him on the proposal of marriage made
to us by the Duke his master, insisted strongly on certain articles
which in all similar treaties heretofore made on that subject have
been refused to all princes who sought that marriage, including the
King his brother ; a thing we find very strange seeing that we gave
him to understand, when he was preparing to repair hither, on the
occasion of certain letters written by the said Simier to the King's
ambassador here, telling him that he was about to come to negotiate
an interview and conclude articles, that we were resolved to enter
into no discussion of articles, being determined to agree to none
save such as were formerly agreed to with other princes, and
advising him not to come here if that were the sole aim of his
journey, going so far only as to say that, if any articles required
fuller explanation, we would give him satisfaction in this matter ;
we have thought meet to advertise you thereof in order that you
may inform as well the King as Monsieur what we think of it.
And to the end you may acquit yourself of your task the better
and with the more certainty, we thought good to impart to you the
articles treated of between those of our Council and Simier.
They are three.
First, the Duke to have equal and joint power with ourselves in
dispensing all donations within the realm and its dependencies.
Secondly, that after the marriage he should be crowned King of
England, under guarantees that nothing should thereby be done to
the prejudice of our realm.
Thirdly, that he should be granted £60,000 for his life.
As for the first, though those of our Council showed him evidently
the evils which it involved as a thing directly touching the diminution
of our regality, the said concession allowing him a negative voice,
besides that in the treaty of marriage between the King of Spain
and our late sister a similar demand had been expressly forbidden,
and afterwards rejected in the assembly of our Estates, it was with
great difficulty that he could be persuaded to give up his urgency
for the granting of that article ; notwithstanding we caused it to be
represented to him that our consent would be of no service to him,
as plainly tending to bring on us the illwill of our subjects.
As for the other two articles, it has been pointed out to him that
the deliberation thereon having been committed to our Council, it
was concluded by them after long discussion that they could not be
deliberated and settled at present, but must be referred to the
assembly of our Estates, without whose consent the articles in
question could by no means be accorded, so that it would be proper
to hold them over till Monsieur arrived. Which answer Simier not
finding agreeable, ceased not to pursue the matter no more and no
less urgently than before, openly protesting, both to ourselves and
to our Council, that although he had ample and sufficient power to
negotiate in the matter, he dared not on account of the spies who
look askance at his actions and conduct in this affair undertake any
modification of the articles. Nor would he be satisfied otherwise
than by our assurance and promise to have the two articles concluded
in the assembly of our Estates. Wherein albeit he has been
shown how little it would agree with our honour to promise what
depended on the will and power of another and how little agreeable
it would be to our subjects that such a thing should be accorded
before an interview had shown how agreeable we should be the one
to the other, he has not been willing to abandon his urgency.
Thereupon seeing that neither the reasons given by us, nor the
representations made by our Council could induce him to accept our
answer, we gave him to understand that such insistance on
articles which had been refused to other princes, especially
when he had already been told that we were resolved to
make no change in them, only to explain them if any difficulties
made it necessary, gave us cause to suspect either that they did not
intend to go forward with the treaty, as they laid such stress on
articles which could not be granted, or that they were seeking this
marriage to some other end than had been hitherto alleged, trying
to persuade us by protestations that one person alone was taken
account of, while these proceedings showed the contrary, making it
apparent, to all who considered even a little how difficult it was to
turn them from these points which regarded our fortune rather than
our person, that our fortune and not our person was what they aimed
at. For if there was as much affection as they would have the world
believe, neither would the Duke have charged him to insist on so
hard conditions, nor have made so many difficulties about coming
himself to see us without standing on ceremony ; being persuaded
that the Duke of Anjou would do no hurt to his honour by visiting
the Queen of England whatever the result of his journey might be,
since there could but come of it a closer amity. For we feel quite
sure that a journey to sea could not have been attended with so
many difficulties as that into Flanders, honourable as that may have
been ; and we do not see why one could not have been undertaken
as freely and eagerly, if both had been embraced with equal affection
and cordiality.
It has also been explained to him that if they were treating with
a princess who was ugly, or otherwise unsuited to him either through
bodily deformity or other natural imperfection, or lacking in mental
gifts suitable to our place and quality, in that case a mode of procedure
so strict and savouring of obstinacy, founded rather on
motives of profit than on love or goodwill, might have been tolerated.
But seeing the graces which God has bestowed on us, besides the
honourable estate that we hold, for which we thank Him without
end as His goodness is endless to us, not boasting of that which is
of His grace and not of our desert, esteeming it a thing unbecoming
to chant our own praises, if we deem ourselves worthy of a prince
as great as Monsieur without agreeing to conditions so hard as we
refused heretofore granted to other princes, and they took it in good
part, it will not be imputed to us as a fault.
Therefore to make an end we let him understand that inasmuch
as we perceived by their mode of action that we were not
desired to such end as we thought, we had reason to think that
they had not walked so roundly with us as beseemed our place
and quality ; being with difficulty brought to be willing to marry
in the event of our pleasing one another upon an interview.
At which point we showed him that if the Duke knew
the advertisements which we received from all parts, with the
reasons and arguments used by those about us to turn us away
from his proposal, and the trouble which we shall have to win for
it the hearts of our subjects, who do not much favour foreign
marriages, he would have seen the wrong he did us—we will not
say himself—in sticking at conditions of profit and honour ; assuring
him that, seeing the just cause we had to think that our actions
towards him in this matter, wherein we have guided ourselves with
all roundness and amity, were not so accounted of as we expected
and think we deserved, the Duke will henceforth find it difficult to
induce us to condescend to his wishes as much as we have done in
the past, unless we find him by effect in devotion otherwise inclined
to us than we can at present perceive ; advising him meantime to
counsel his master to proceed in the other marriages which his
nearest friends are promoting (as to which we cannot be in the dark),
and which to all appearances he seems to affect rather than ours.
As for Simier himself, who we found took it much to heart that
we could not approve his insistance in standing upon the said
articles, a thing very displeasing to us, we have assured him of the
satisfaction which we took in his services, being persuaded that in
this matter he has only borne himself as his instructions imported,
or as was necessary for him, looking to the danger which
might supervene for him in respect of those who wish him
ill, so that however ample his commission might be, he
could not conduct himself according to his own wishes.
He has shown himself faithful to his master, sage and
discreet beyond his years in the conduct of the case, and very
devoted to the furthering of the marriage ; so we had cause to think
well of his offices, and wish we had a servant of whom we could
make such good use. We wish you to represent to the King and the
Duke how agreeable the gentleman is to us, and how fortunate his
master may deem himself to have such a servant.
Having fully set forth to you the course of our negotiations with
Simier and the sum of the reply made to him by ourself and through
our Council, we doubt not but that you will impart it to the King
and the Duke in such sort that both they may be led to see their
error, and we may be rid of the calumnies which some of our
illwishers in that Court will go about to cast on us.
Draft in hand of L. Tomson. Endd. by him : . . . 26. Copy
of the letter in French sent to Sir Amyas Poulet. Fr. 5 pp.
[France III. 23 bis.]
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May 10.
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675. [DAVISON] to WALSINGHAM.
I wrote nothing to you by the last post, because I was yet
'suspended' for my full answer from the States, who, partly in
regard of their multitude of business, partly desiring to hear from
their deputies at Collen before my departure, delayed me. What
now detains me is the expectation of the ship appointed for my
transport, which by extremity of weather put into 'Scluse' and still
awaits both wind and tide to come from thence. As far as I can
see, it can hardly be here in six or seven days, and I would for better
expedition have laded my charge in some other tall ship of divers
that are at present here from our country, but that I am bound by
order to this and put by the master in daily hope of her coming.
As soon as I hear of it, you may be assured I will 'foreslow' no time
to 'quite' myself from hence. Meantime please let her Majesty
know the cause of my delay.
The most important news that I have is the resolution taken in
the last assembly at Mons by the people of Hainault for their
reconcilement with the King ; for which they have dispatched their
deputies to Arras fully authorised to conclude with the Baron de
Selles and other commissioners from the Prince of Parma, whom
they have agreed to accept as their provisional governor till they
hear further of the King's pleasure ; he promising to deliver up into
their hands all such places as he occupies in their country, and
utterly to withdraw his forces thence within 20 days from the agreement,
and from the whole Low Countries within six weeks. The
'unlikely success' of this is apparent enough.
The States have as yet no news from the deputies at Collen, and
what hope there is of the issue of their negotiations you may guess
by their particular treaties.
At Maestricht, the enemy profiting as little by his mines as by
battery is now in hand with divers fortifications to hold the town in
subjection, hoping to have them by famine as he cannot prevail by
force. But in the judgement of the wisest it is like to prove a
Haarlem siege.
Here they are levying the hundredth penny, besides a voluntary
loan in aid, wherein the people of this town show themselves very
liberal. This week it is thought they will begin to 'redress' some
sort of a camp ; upon intelligence of which the enemy has drawn
divers companies of horse and foot to Diest and Aerschot, both as
suspecting an intended enterprise on one of those places, and to be
ready to make head against his adversaries, whatever way they take,
but leaving a sufficient number to continue the siege.
The Walloons who were in Cassel, suspecting the neighbourhood
of la Noue, have this week abandoned the place, and retired to their
rest [or nest] at Meenen. It is thought they will be this week
declared enemies and la Noue employed against them with the
force he has, till things are ready for the succour of Maestricht.
The Gantois have of late had a practice in hand for the surprise
of Alost, and not long before, another against Douay ; both which
failing, especially that of Douay, has 'bred' the imprisonment of
divers of the inhabitants, suspected of favouring the enterprise.—
Antwerp, 10 May 1579.
Draft. Endd. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 114.]
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May 14.
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676. Copy and translation of a letter written to His Excellency
by those of Flushing. 14 May 1579.
We have received your letter touching the differences among us
and Fernand Pointz, together with the request presented by him to
the Lords of the Queen of England's Council. We cannot be
sufficiently surprised at the indiscreet, inopportune, and dishonest
procedure of Pointz in this matter, considering that pursuant to
your Excellency's letter of Aug. 13 we submitted to all reasonable
conditions for the sake of agreement. For whereas your Excellency
at Pointz's request dispatched the treasurer Taffin to Walcheren, to
put an end to the difference, we sent our deputies to Middelburg,
and after some communication had passed, finally remitted and
submitted the difference to Taffin, treasurer Maumaker, and Master
Peter de Rycke, councillor of Zealand, as neutral persons chosen
by the parties. Whereupon, after divers conferences they got so far
that the difference was settled, albeit greatly to our prejudice and to
the advantage of the said Pointz ; so that he has every right to be
ashamed of not accepting and approving the agreement arrived at
by the deputies, and still more with charging them with partiality.
As may appear by the copy of the agreement that we send ; which
from respect for the gentlemen who were engaged upon it, we
continue to approve. And considering that we have been ready to
forward matters by all reasonable way conformally to your letters,
and that Pointz will not listen to any reason or means of settlement,
we rely entirely on the report which Taffin will make to your
Excellency, begging you to hear him and interrogate him thereon
the great wrong and superfluous expense which Pointz wants to
inflict on us with extraordinary proceedings. We add that his claim
is for the most part frivolous, and founded on untrue reasons,
and so ought not to be heard by an extraordinary judge, and we
doubt not that your Excellency will take it as such.
Copy. Fr. 1 p. [Hol. and Fl. XI. 115.]
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May 15.
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677. D. T. to the PRINCE OF ORANGE.
I have already written to you by Captain Desme, thinking he
would start before this messenger. I will explain the most part of
it to him, that by one channel or the other you may be advertised
of what is going, and I will add what I have learnt further. Instead
of 10,000 men who it was said were being levied in Italy by 'Don
Pedro,' brother of the Duke of Florence, they talk now of 20,000
Italians, 10,000 Germans, and 10,000 Spaniards, counting those
who are now arrived with those who had arrived before. They
are fitting out all the vessels, great and small, galleys and others,
that there are in Italy, and making a great provision of biscuit.
Those who hold the truce made by the Turk with the King of
Spain as assured (of which, however, many doubt) conclude that
this cannot be on account of Eastern Barbary, inasmuch as that
recognises him, nor, as they think, of the Western part, the
kingdoms of Fez and Morocco being his friends, and of the same
religion. It is thought too that these preparations are too great
for use entirely in Portugal and Flanders ; nor can it be believed
that they are for France, for many reasons too long to set out. So
the inference is unavoidable that they are for England. If he
attacks that, with such intelligence as he may be able to get, the
King of Spain will at the same time forward his affairs in
Portugal and Flanders ; and it is to be feared that Duke Casimir
will at the same time have to defend his own house. Even if he
does not make provision for their great designs, it is certain that by
beating or striking down that prince and princess, who are deemed
the sole succour and support of those of the Religion, they will have
to endure much alike in Flanders and in France, seeing that the
King, averse as he is to war, will be dragged into it by force.—Paris,
15 May 1579.
Apparently the original, written on a half-sheet. Add. Fr. 1 p.
[Holl. and Fl. XI. 116.]
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May 17.
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678. DAVISON to WALSINGHAM.
By my last letter you might perceive that the cause of my stay
depended upon the ship appointed to transport my charge, which
could not come from 'Scluse' till within these three or four days, for
want of wind. It is now arrived, and to-morrow is to take the
parcels I have to transport, so that I hope to take my journey with
the first fair wind, having now dispatched all my other business
and taken my leave.—Antwerp, 17 May 1579.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 117.]
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May 18.
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679. The PRINCE OF ORANGE to the QUEEN.
Among the great benefits that you have done this country I
esteem it not the least that you sent Mr Davison to the States. By
his prudence, vigilance, and sincere affection to the furtherance of
our affairs, we have received many good offices, nor has
his service to your Majesty been forgotten. We cannot
therefore but take much displeasure from his departure,
especially at a moment when our affairs are in such perplexity as
you will hear from him. Our only consolation, since it is your
pleasure that he should return to England, is that we judge it to be
for your service, which we would desire to advance by all means in
our power, while at the same time we are persuaded that in recalling
a person of his quality you will not fail to obtain his advice as to
the means of succouring this country, which you have always had
in special commendation.—Antwerp, 18 May 1579.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XI. 118.]
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May 24.
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680. The MARQUIS OF HAVRECH to the QUEEN.
Your ambassador being about to return, I would not let slip the
opportunity of saluting your Majesty and assuring you of the good
and honourable manner in which he has comported himself in these
countries. He has so conducted himself that the Estates generally
and as individuals rest well satisfied with him. You will understand
at length from him the state of affairs here. We are devoutly
awaiting the resolution to be taken at Cologne, and while we hope
it will be good, appearances up to now are meagre enough. I am
of opinion that the particular treaties entered into by those of
Hainault and Artois will be prejudicial to a general agreement ; the
Spaniards being persuaded that similar divisions lay open to them
a door whereby they may reach their end, which is to bring final
ruin on all. But I will not lose confidence that over and above that
which we shall not fail to do for ourselves, your Majesty will, as
a sharer in our fortunes, use all the means you can devise to hinder
them.
When I was last in England I left with your ministers my private
and personal obligation for the £5,000 which you supplied to the
Estates. Now, hearing that the Estates have, as was agreed,
furnished the obligations for the sum in question, I beg that you
will direct mine to be returned to me.—Antwerp, 24 May 1579.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 119.]
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May 24.
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681. William Davison acknowledges the receipt from Baptista
Spinola of the States' obligation for £3,636 7s. 4d. as guarantee to the
Queen for a similar sum for which the States are asking her to give
them her obligation and that of the City of London payable in
June next ; and promises in the event of her not granting their
request, to return it to any person designated by Spinola.—24 May
1579.
Endd. Contra obligho del Sr Imbasse Davison. Fr. ½ p.
[Holl. and Fl. XI. 120.]
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May 25.
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682. 'Report laid before his Catholic Majesty's Council of
War and put in writing 25 May 1579 as to the steps to be
taken to gain possession of Portugal, whenever it is
necessary to employ arms. Translated from the Spanish.'
The first part of my report to your Majesty touching my views
as to the arguments produced in this meeting, falls under three
heads ; after which I will give my own ideas.
First, as to the justification of this enterprise before God, His
vicar on earth, and other Christian princes ; for if this is not done,
ill-success must be feared.
Secondly, as to the prayers, which as I have heard and seen,
always precede the opening of any enterprise in which your Majesty
personally shares, after the example of the Emperor ; remembering
the unfortunate enterprise of Algiers, which it was sought to
handle so secretly that the duty of asking God for a happy issue
was forgotten. Afterwards the Emperor used to say that God was
wroth with this and had for our sins caused the disaster that we
saw ; as has often been related by Antonio d' Oria and other
gentlemen of judgement, who were sorry that such a thing should
be forgotten.
Thirdly, as to the great reputation of your Majesty, for whose
greatness we your vassals have to take thought. I do not see that
you can without disgrace omit to acquire what is undoubtedly your
own, by all the vigour of arms, if it be necessary to have recourse to
them ; since, as we hear, things have been said and written
prejudicial to your reputation. Nevertheless it behoves to seek
by gifts and all other possible ways to draw that realm to obedience
without the bloodshed and ruin that would ensue were you to
achieve your intention in that way. By far the easiest and most
honourable road, and that demanded by every Christian vassal of
your Majesty would be, if the affairs of that realm could in that way
be appeased ; and your forces engaged in the service of God need
not be ordered elsewhere. This much as to the principal heads ; I
will proceed to state my views as to how to effect the enterprise.
It is assumed that 59 galleys and 30 ships will be assembled,
making 14,000 tons, and other 12 small vessels. 'Monsieur di Sta
Croce' [qu. Santa Cruz] as I hear thinks this number most
necessary, and I think it cannot be reduced, and that it would be
well to provide 9 or 10 more in case of accidents.
The number of men you have ordered to be got together is 36,000,
and that it may be seen that this number will be sufficient, I will
consider the resources which that kingdom has for resistance ; the
number of cavalry and infantry which it can number, if all were
agreed not to obey your Majesty. I am assured that after the rout
they had in Africa, conformably to the reports of Don Juan de
Silva, Alfonso de Larguas, and Marcello d'Oria, besides the people in
Lisbon, which makes 40,000 men, they can bring together, from the
two 'battalions' that they have for exercise in all manner of arms,
another 50,000 ; which is likely, seeing that in the country between
the Guadiaval and the Tagus are more than 250 ensigns of soldiers
with their captains and officers, who are regarded as the most warlike
soldiers in Portugal.
As for cavalry, I hear that they cannot do much ; perhaps
because the largest and most esteemed part of it, and their caparisoned
horses, were lost in Barbary with the King ; nevertheless it is
said that they can put together 1,500 to 2,000 horses, of all sorts,
though weak, by withdrawing some of those which they have on the
confines of Africa ; and that is the 7,000 or 8,000 horses that they say
they can put men on. But it must be considered that they of Lisbon
if united could assemble a large force of infantry to give a bataglia
cieca ; so that I think his Majesty's army ought not to be less than
50,000 men ; but supposing that he cannot now do more than
36,000 both those from Italy and others, since the sole matter of
importance is to take Lisbon, I should advise that 3,000
Spaniards and 3,000 Italians should be put on board the
galleys and ships, besides the ordinary complement of soldiers,
and that the 36,000 men, infantry and cavalry, light
cavalry, mounted harquebusiers and other horse, to the number
of 10,000, with 3,500 or 3,000 cavalry, should be taken to form
an army-corps (corpo d'armata) which might march by either of
two ways. One is by Coria and along the Tagus to Lisbon through
the easiest country in Portugal ; but there is a serious objection to
that route, that a mountain has to be crossed which is stated to be
impracticable for artillery ; and though, as it is said, the places in
that kingdom are not fortified in the modern style, they have good
walls, and if artillery is not used, can be easily defended, being hard
to escalade. This will prevent the army from getting to Lisbon at
any fixed time to operate with the fleet. So I am of opinion that
the army should go by Merida and Baldaies [Badajoz] with two
demi-cannon, three medium culverins, and two field-pieces, enter
the district of Biburga [?] and take the three small frontier places
of Olzbenga [Olivença], Eblis [Elvas] and Porta Degna [Portalegre]
with the neighbouring castles, to secure our rear. This will not
take long ; and then let the fleet come to meet them at some suitable
point on the Tagus, and let them ravage the Duke of Braganza's
lands, if they do not prefer to cross over to the country between
the rivers Tagus and Ruero [? Douro], the richest in Portugal ; being
always on the alert to hinder the inhabitants all they can from joining
with the people of Lisbon. In this way, and if they are broken up
on the frontier from Andalusia to Galicia, they will fall into disorder
and panic. But it is especially necessary that the coast of Galicia
should be well furnished and armed, for it may easily be judged
that English, French and rebel Flemings will come to the help of
Portugal and attack ports and places in Galicia. Special heed
should be given to the side of Bayona and Corua [qu. Coruña],
which as I hear is in bad case and great danger. It is also necessary
to have a fleet in Galicia for the transport of troops and the conveyance
of garrisons for the places captured, so as not to weaken the
army, which will advance to Lisbon or 'Sto. Giovanni' or wherever
the Marquis of Santa Cruz shall advise, and should join the fleet on
which is to be shipped all the artillery, munitions, and fighting
material.
We must soon have advices from Antonello and the others who
were sent to reconnoitre Lisbon, the tower of Balez [? Balem]
and the fort of St. John, in respect of the orders that the Marquis
should give, to the end that all steps may be taken accordingly, and
it may be decided where the enterprise should begin. If it is to
turn out well, riper judgement will be needed than we have had
hitherto.
In case the King of Portugal should die [movisse, qy. morisse]
before the men and fleet from Italy arrive, considering the small
force which the Marquis has in the galleys and the little he could
do by land or sea, I think we should not make a greater demonstration ;
because those in the country who wish to serve your Majesty
would easily change their minds if they saw that the Marquis's first
operations came to little ; and I think it would kindle their zeal to
see that your Majesty was making preparation in all sincerity,
which could hardly be said with the small forces the Marquis has
at present. That would be the way to give advice to the enemy
that he may provide his own forces. They might even attack you
and take some place, which would be disgraceful to you and very
important to them as encouragement. So I think it is more
expedient to watch the coasts with galleys under pretext of guarding
against Turks, Moors, and Corsairs, and thus hinder the bringing
of aid. If the King of Portugal be not dead [mosso, qu. morto] by
the time the force arrives from Italy, I would advise that as many as
possible be put on board the galleys, on the chance of their being
to do something, and the rest landed on Iviça. The air and
water are good there ; while if they come here trouble will arise
from the indolence of the soldiers, and the quarrels between old
and new Spaniards, and between the people and the Germans and
Italians.
It would be well to move the infantry levied in this state to such
place as your Majesty shall resolve ; noting that whenever it is
reckoned that they will be embarked within two months they stay
four or five, especially when they have to be drilled. Time and
hard work are needed to arm them conveniently, because if they
are armed far from the place where the fleet has to meet them,
most of the pikes and corselets will be lost, while those who are
trained to arms have enough to do, especially when new soldiers
may be falling ill.
If the others, those of Signor Giovanni Andrea [Doria] and
private persons, arrive at Cartagena as soon as it is said, with the
infantry they have on board, viz., 1,000 men, they can be put with
the Spanish, or left there to rest, which will be more to the purpose,
and to strengthen that coast, which is unarmed, there being news
of vessels from Algiers ; and if you would order them to put some
harquebusiers across to Majorca they might make the journey from
Cartagena and bring back the recruits who are being got ready at
Vion all finished and trained.
The arms required for 14,000 men should by now be in the
places ordered by you, in full number. Provisions, biscuit, &c.,
should be got ready. Every captain of men-at arms should be told
to raise 12 mounted harquebusiers. I conclude this report by
reminding your Majesty to take order on the French frontier, since
you have begun, sending a viceroy to Navarre, and a captain-general
to Giupsea [qy. Guipuzcoa] ; and bidding the viceroys of
Arragon and Catalonia have an eye on Jaca and Salsas [qy. Solson],
places, with St. Sebastian, liable to be seized.
Endd. by Burghley : 25 Maii 1579. Advice to the King of Spain for
recovery of the kingdom of Portugal. Ital. 6½ pp. [Spain I. 21.]
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May 30.
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683. BONIVET to DAVISON.
Hearing that you are about to leave Antwerp for England I would
not omit to write and ask you kindly to move Her Majesty to be
pleased to account to Mme de Grevenbroek for the sum in which
she stood indebted to M. de Grevenbroek, my late father-in-law.
You know better than anyone else how the matter stands, owing to
the frequent communications which have been made to you by my
father-in-law and myself. If you can help me, I shall be much
obliged. My wife and I salute you.—From 'your' house at Thiennes,
the last but one of May 1579.
Add. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 121.]
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May 31.
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684. JACQUES DE SOMERE to DAVISON.
I make no doubt but that you have heard of the disturbance
which took place in this town upon the matter of religion since
your departure ; but as you said my letters were acceptable, I would
not fail to send you the story in detail.
It is as follows. On the 28th inst. the Archduke and the priests
of this town informed the colonels and captains that they had
decided to have a general procession. Upon its being replied that
there would be a danger of exciting the people, and that they would
do better to be content with going round the cemetery, to avoid a
scandal, they pressed the matter several times, but received no other
reply. Notwithstanding, on the following day they thought fit to
pass the chains which are stretched across the approaches to the
cemetery, though warned of the inconveniences which might arise.
The people, seeing the procession advancing, opposed it ; and, finding
them obstinate, by degrees armed themselves, sounded their
drums, drove the priests and all those who had gone out with them
into the 'great temple,' broke and trampled on their torches and
processional trash (drogues processiales), and committed other
violences ; with the intention, as common report had it, of going
on to personal attacks, if the colonels and captains had not kept
the door of the temple shut by force, and the Prince had not
come in person to appease them. In this he had much difficulty,
and was even in personal danger through trying to moderate their
fury. Anyhow, with all the persuasions in the world he could only
obtain from the people permission to enter the temple to speak to
the Archduke and the Marquis of Havrech, who were shut up there
with all the nobles, Italians, and priests in the town, all assembled
for the procession. At length after three hours' parley before the
doors the Prince managed to persuade them to let the Archduke
with his suite and the nobility come out, not however without giving
them a pretty fright and uttering a good many insults as they went
by. After this the Prince could only prevent them from falling on
the priests by declaring that if they offered them violence, he would
leave the city and government, promising that he would with the
Colonels, Captains, and Deans consider means for settling the matter
to the assurance of the town and their satisfaction ; on condition
that they might keep the priests shut up till some resolution was
taken. This was granted him under protest, and with a general
shout that they wanted to be rid of them that very night ; which
came to pass, for about 8 o'clock some 200 priests were led out of
the town, without any other disturbance or sacking of churches.
Next day an edict was made that no Church property was to be
touched or priests' houses broken into, under pain of the gallows ;
and the Prince foreseeing the confusion into which the town was
like to fall if order were not taken, had the Great Council summoned,
to make proposals, and hear from them how they intended to govern
themselves in future. After much debate, the more part inclined
to maintain the religions-vrede here, and in conformity therewith to
retain a small number of priests and pastors for the Catholic service,
bidding good-bye to the four orders and other superfluous priestery.
It is not certain if the lower classes will listen to this.
There, at full length, is the story of what happened. You know
the state of the country well enough to judge what effects may be
expected from it. My opinion is that it will greatly reinforce the
malcontent party, and hasten the division of the country on
one side, and the resolution (sic) on the other. The Archduke is
much offended, and demands to be allowed to return to his own
country, but so far there is no answer. I am reminded of the
proverb, Lupum auribus, etc.
The Maestricht people have lately discovered and laid open
three more large mines, which the enemy meant to spring when he
gave another general assault. In the mines they took two captains,
and continue to make five sorties every day. They are still in good
heart ; but there is no courage which does not wear out at length.
The succours are making such progress as they can ; lack of money,
of forces, and of union makes them slower and more feeble than
the occasion seems to allow. M. de la Noue with his little force is
near Rousselaer, where besides the ordinary garrison, which was
10 ensigns, four or five companies have entered, sent by Montigny.
He is massing his forces at Massene and Menin, and they are about
7,000 foot and 1,500 horse. He seems decided to fight M. de la Noue,
if he gives him the chance, or to besiege some place ; and it is
feared it may be Courtray, where it is suspected he may have intelligence.
Eleven guns have been sent him from Aire and St. Omer.
It is rumoured that M. d' Hierges has come to conduct their operations ;
and la Motte is beginning to join them. In short they are
going very strong. I foresee nothing but misery on all sides.
There is little appearance of the peace which is being treated at
Cologne, the arbitrators being mostly bishops and all papists, who
will not care to grant the religions-vrede, without which all the rest
will be nought.
That is all the news I have to write you ; when anything presents
itself worth sending I will not fail to do the same duty. Here I may
thank you for all the courtesy you have shown me in the short time
that I have had the honour of knowing you.—Antwerp, 31 May 1578.
P.S.—Please send me a word to say if this reaches you safely ;
and I shall feel all the safer about sending my letters through the
same channel. Add. Fr. 4 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 122.]
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May 31.
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685. [JAMES FITZMORRIS (?)] to ALEXANDER FRUMENTUS.
While we were greatly delighted to learn from the Spanish
nuncio that you were interested in our affairs we were somewhat
sorry that we had not had notice of this in time to send letters to so
eminent a patron by the messenger whom we recently dispatched
to Lisbon. Seeing however that our only object is to secure the
administration of Christ's sacraments after the Catholic rite to
people which love the Catholic faith, and therefore deserve all
commiseration, and since to care for this is pure religion and undefiled,
let those who hinder this holy work see of what religion they
would be held by Him who judges not by words but by works. We
therefore beseech you, who are ready enough for every good work,
as the father of children and widows, so to do God's business as to
make it clear to all men that you look not for a corruptible but an
eternal reward. For if I seek to please men, I shall not be the
servant of Christ. If we have the arms at once, the salvation of
Ireland and England, not to say Scotland, Flanders and France
will be thought due to your efforts ; for it is from England that
this great evil of schism is propagated into all the neighbouring
countries. If however there is no hope of this, care should at least
be taken lest, while pretending to hand over the arms soon, they not
only fail to do so, but also delay us in rendering to the Catholics
such small help as we can render without the arms. Let them
therefore give up other people's goods which they are detaining
against the will of the owners, or know that, whatever they may say,
they have refused them to us, to his Holiness, nay, even to Christ
Himself. Let them remember the damage they are doing us by
causing so many persons to incur so many months' expense in a
foreign country, and let them believe that there is a just judge who
will requite them. Not without cause are we wroth, being subjected
to so many inconveniences and injuries. The greater these
are, the more glorious will be your prudence if it quickly puts an
end to them ; which may God grant.—Ferrol in Galicia, 31 May
1579.
Add. Illmo et Rmo Dno D. Alexandro Frumento, suæ Stis in regno
Portugalliæ nuncio. In writing of [?] Dr Sanders. Endd. : from
Lisborn, 1879. Latin. 3 pp. [Portugal I. 12.]
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