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Nov. 16.
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379. FRANCOIS DE MONCHEAUX to M. DE VAUX.
Yesterday evening again came a man express from Arras to bring
me the enclosed letters, the contents of which I am sure will please
you. I have nothing to add, except that having communicated the
whole to M. d'Arcanti, he was and is of opinion that I should make
a trip as far as our frontier, there to devise means of approaching
and bringing to terms (appriroiser) the gentleman mentioned in the
letters ; which I think will be easy for me to do by means of the
gentleman of Lille whom you know to be so well-disposed to the
king's service, and at the same time a particular friend of the
gentleman in question. If there is any means of getting an
interview, I hope some great fruit will follow, and that I shall
shortly find myself on the way to you with plenty of good news.
Meantime I should find it very useful if his Excellency would send
me other letters, more detailed and more energetic, to the gentleman
aforesaid, accompanied by your own and those of M. de
Rossignol or others who may seem to have most credit in that
quarter. If before the receipt of them I have not yet spoken to him,
it will be another opportunity for me to see him, when I take them
to him at any place he may appoint. I am sure that you
would find it also a very good thing to have letters from
his Excellency similarly accompanied sent to the gentleman of Lille,
as the great desire which I know he has for employment
merits, as well as the service which I am sure can by this means be
got from him. He knows all the lords and gentlemen to the very
bowels, and knows what he may expect of them all. He is also
well-adapted to persuade and bring to reason those with whom he has
credit, as he has in many places all on one road. His Excellency
might also write to the other gentlemen of that frontier (commarque
especially to M. de Hocelles of Bapaume, who will as I think agree
in all points with the gentlemen aforesaid, to M. d'Auberlieu,
Morbecque, la Thieuloie, to make use of them if occasion serves ;
authorising me to hear them, and receive verbally anything that
they would send his Excellency by word sooner than in writing.
Lastly, I beg you to give me full instructions on all points, among
others for the town of Arras, where I believe I shall be welcome,
and others, if an occasion of going there presents itself. I hope
to fulfil those instructions with diligence and fidelity ; seeing that
to acquire honour from them, speed is much required in such
matters, as will appear by the letters both from Arras and from
Lille.—Paris, 16 Nov. 1578.
Copy, sent by Poulet. Endd. with date by L. Tomson. Fr.
2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 33.]
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Nov. 16.
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380. ROSSEL to WALSINGHAM.
In my last I set forth the state of things in general without omitting
the details upon which may philosophise and discourse diversely ;
seeing that all potentates act on the same cause on one side, and on
the other are the spectators of those who play the morality, awaiting
the issue of the tragedy of the supposed personages.
Mr Davison will have told you of the proposals made by the new
commissioners sent from his Highness and the States to the
Gantois, together with their answer, in which it is easy to see the
dissimulation hidden under the cloak of this conference, which
serves only to pass the time till we see who will first be able to meet
the crooked French practice forged by the ministers you know of.
The Walloons meanwhile are playing the farce, and have taken
Cassel and Dixmude laughing—after being repulsed in an enterprise
which they had undertaken at Ypres. They dash about pillaging
in all directions, enriching themselves with the plunder of the
innocents, which will not last them long. Meanwhile they ruin our
camp while this miserable spectacle lasts. Our army has marched,
with half a month's pay, to the neighbourhood of Maestricht,
extending on to the county of Liège. M. de Bossu, commander-in-chief,
and the other generals have arrived at Antwerp. Note what
this 'transmigration' signifies.
The malcontents are still at home where by French craft they are
preparing all sorts of ambuscades, solely for their resentment
against the Prince of Orange. The Marquis of Havrech wants to
have the government of Valenciennes, where Count Lalaing at
present is, supported by the magistrates, but not liked by the
people, who are united, both those of the religion and Papists,
against receiving any private governor.
M. d'Egmont is just now at St. Omer, where the lieutenant of his
regiment, placed there as governor by the Prince, continues nevertheless
to support the malcontent party.
The Arras people, as mentioned in my former letter, seem
inclined to take the side of the French, solicited thereto, it is
thought, by M. de Capres ; who notwithstanding letters from the
government, does not leave off executing as criminals those of the
religion. There are great practices everywhere. In Brussels,
Mechlin, and Antwerp there was to have been sedition if prevision
had not found a remedy. In Antwerp all the houses have been
revisited, and such residents as were staying there without cause,
such as captains, soldiers, and others without ostensible business,
were turned out of the town ; a slap in the face (bastonade) to the
French, which has passed unnoticed owing to the general indifference.
Amid these confusions the enemy seemed in a woeful state is
plucking up courage, in hope that private passions will disunite the
State to his profit. The strength of their camp has been thrown
into Louvain, Diest, and Leeuw, whence they carry on the war
unremittingly. They have even plundered the barque of Brussels,
and taken prisoners all who were in it, being well informed of our
division, remediable only by the grace of God, and the commiseration
of good princes and princesses. These as mediators might
urge the Emperor, who is already wavering, to take measures for
peace. To this effect he is sending Lazarus Swendi, which the
Prince will not like, and which will not be advisable. The Council
of State have been writing in all directions to the potentates of
Germany to promote this holy inclination towards peace, the sole
remedy for these miseries.—Antwerp, 16 Nov. 1578.
Add. Endd. Fr. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 34.]
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Nov. 17.
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381. BAPTISTA SPINOLA to DAVISON.
Our profession is in such trouble at the present time that we can
only do what our varlets would have done formerly. There where I
myself could once have raised 600,000 florins in a morning on
Change, up to now I have not been able to accommodate George
Gilpin with the trifle you require. If I have to delay doing so yet
further, please impute it to the times, not to my will.
Six days ago I obtained the Estates' letter, written word for word
in the required tenour, on the commission of his Excellency, to the
Queen. I have not sent it sooner, because I wished to accompany
it, in charge of Filippo Cattaneo, with other things which were not
ready by the day promised ; and as I shall have to wait some days
for them I thought it well to send the packet containing that letter
by the present porter, and ask you to forward it as soon as you can,
with a request for the repayment of my 30,000 florins.—Antwerp,
17 Nov. 1578.
Add. Fr. 2/3 p. [Ibid. X. 35.]
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Nov. 17.
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382. BAPTISTA SPINOLA to WALSINGHAM.
As you will have heard from Horatio Pallavicino, Filippo Cattaneo
and I have not so far been able to come to terms with Baduero
about the coif you wot of ; and that because he puts it at about
4,000 vdi, an excessive price for its value. We have not up to now
seen our way to offer more than 2,000, which it seemed to us would
pay for it well. If he comes to terms, we will send it at once without
fail ; and, if not, and you wish in any case to have it, I will
supply it on my own part otherwise, as will be seen.
The States, by order of his Excellency, have written to the Queen
a letter, which I have addressed to the Ambassador, enclosed with
this note. I believe they recommend my matter of the 30,000
florins, and I hope to see the end of it ; believing that you will
have recommended it, as I pray you to do, as it is reasonable I
should get back what I lent. Pallavicino will have spoken again
of the mistake in my obligations. Please have it corrected.—Antwerp,
17 Nov. 1578.
Holograph. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. Ital. 2/3 p. [Holl. and
Fl. X. 36.]
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Nov. 17.
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383. DAVISON to the SECRETARIES.
I came to Ghent on Friday the 7th inst., and have been labouring
ever since to divert the Gauntois from the offensive and dangerous
course they have hitherto held ; being seconded by the commissioners
of the States-General, and the deputies of Bruges, Ypres, the
'Frank,' Antwerp, Brussels, Bois-le-duc, Lyre, and divers towns,
particularly of this province. But finding them solicited by some
ill instruments to persist in that error, themselves preoccupied by
such a resolution, and that humour nourished by the late
proceedings of the Walloons, neither I nor the rest yet hope to reap
any fruit from our labours.
Last Wednesday I was admitted into their common assembly,
where I laid before them the mislike that both her Majesty and
their other neighbours conceived of their proceedings ; the 'slander'
and hindrance which thereby grew to the cause of religion ; the
danger into which they obviously threw the whole country by
kindling an inward war for religion before they had terminated
their outward troubles ; the error they had committed in respect
both of the cause, and of the time and manner of their proceeding.
Religion, which they took for their chief pretext, would be advanced
by doctrine and instruction rather than by force. The time was
utterly unseasonable, having yet their common enemy at their gates
on one side, and the French, an enemy as dangerous, on the other,
both ready to profit by these alterations. Their error was inexcusable,
partly because the public liberty of religion was not denied them
according to the religious peace, which other towns had thankfully
embraced, and very modestly used ; and partly because through their
evil dealing it had been refused by many towns and provinces that
were in a good way to have accepted it, and suppressed in some
places, where it had been received. The manner of their proceedings
had offended their neighbours, slandered their cause, and drawn
themselves into general hatred ; because, not content to have
usurped the authority of their superior magistrates, they had used
such violence, in breaking down images, spoiling churches and
religious houses, dissipation of their goods and livings, and in other
disorders, as argued a manifest contempt of law and government.
They had broken the union of the provinces, alienated and discontented
their nobility, advanced their common enemy, opened the
gap to the French, and kindled such a fire as would hardly be
quenched but with danger to their whole estate. To prevent which
I advised them to consider whether force or composition were
the better way, when by one they might eschew, and by the
other run headlong into, their common ruin. Here I reminded
them of the calamities of a civil war, which is wont to pluck up
by the roots the most flourishing kingdoms and commonwealths ;
and as it was a custom in all well-governed states ere they began
a war to 'provide the means how' to maintain it, I wished them
to consider how unable they were of themselves to maintain
such a burden, and how their fellow-members utterly misliked
their proceeding and would be loth to participate with them. The
rest of the provinces were unwilling or unable to give the succour ;
Artois and Hainault were already in a manner declared against them ;
Brabant was utterly under foot, and not able to defend itself against
the Spaniard, much less to help them ; Holland and Zealand
had 'made courtesy' in respect of their long troubles to contribute
much to one war, and would be more 'nice' to bear a double
burthen ; Friesland and Guelders had enough to do to preserve
themselves, besides they never contributed much to the war against
the Spaniard, which when at their doors imported them more to look
to than the troubles of Flanders. From abroad they could expect no
succour save from England ; and to think her Majesty would
embark her future in these wars at the appetite of a town of
Ghent, was a hope that would utterly deceive them. Therefore I
thought them ill-counselled if they preferred force to composition,
especially when the conditions were so reasonable as were offered
them. I exhorted them in her Majesty's name to consider all this
well, as they tendered the advancement of God's glory, the quiet of
their country, the friendship of her Majesty and their own safety.
To which admonition, except for some general thanks, they replied
little at the time, but that they would communicate to the whole
members of the town at the general court to be held within three
or four days, and give me an answer accordingly. This is yet
put off from day to day by their Burgomaster Embese and his
faction, authors of all these confusions ; partly to have more
time to practice the commons, and so frame a counsel to their
humours, partly lest by a orderly proceeding their disordered
purposes might be overthrown ; so that I am still in suspense
what they will resolve, though hopeless of its being what
I desire. And as I found Duke Casimir so far embarked in their
cause that he was 'in election' to be chief of their army—which
being since offered him by Embese and his associates in the name
of the whole town, he has accepted—I thought it good to let him
understand how much this proceeding prejudiced the common
cause, hindered the advancement of the Gospel, touched his own
credit, and called in question the honour of the Queen who had
been the author of his coming ; because he was brought in to defend
and succour the States against their common enemy, and not to
kindle a new war among them for religion. He was entertained to
serve the whole body, not a particular town of Ghent ; his retiring
thither with a good part of his forces, without the consent or privity
of the Governor or States, at the sole request of some individuals of
that town, and without the approbation of the people, had greatly
touched his reputation. His course had been a chief cause of
dividing the provinces, discontenting the nobility, and increasing
the inward troubles of the country. He was thereby advancing the
affairs of the Spaniard to the prejudice of the States, and his own
greater disrepute, in that he had not only diminished their
forces by withdrawing divers of his own companies into
Flanders, but had solicited Balfour and other captains and colonels
to abandon that service and follow his party. His dealing was a
high way to breed a general mutiny and dissipation of the army, and
so double the misery of the country. It gave the Catholics, both
captains and soldiers, occasion to join in faction with the Walloons,
by whom they were solicited under pretence of defending their
religion suppressed by those of Ghent. Both the Walloons and
their adherents, seeing him taking part with the Gauntois, whose
dealing they conceived to tend to the extirpation of the Catholic
religion and overthrow of the nobility, would have a fair colour to
choose a chief of contrary profession, be it the Duke of Anjou or any
other. This was the only way to strengthen that duke in this
country ; he could not have had a better pretext to invade it and
transfer the miseries of a civil war for religion, wherewith France
has been so many years vexed, into these parts ; the consequence
of which must needs be a general dismembering of the provinces
and alteration of the state, prejudicial to divers of the neighbours,
but above all to the Queen. The States might have found means
to redress things in some tolerable sort, if the Gauntois had
not been induced, as men think, by his counsel to choose
the way of force, encouraged thereto by his authority and presence
and the hope of his protection. As a prince that has pretended
a singular zeal for the advancement of God's glory, he was
very ill-advised to run this violent course to the prejudice
thereof, considering the good terms into which the Prince of Orange
had brought the whole country, touching a permission of both
religions ; so that in that respect he had no sufficient colour for
what he did. The world was growing suspicious of his aspiring to
the Seignory of Flanders ; and because in every man's 'discourse'
he had therein laid a weak foundation unless he were supported by
her Majesty, it was a general opinion that she was author and
furtherer of that course. This was the rather conceived because he
was brought in chiefly by her, his force increased by her means,
his pay advanced out of her coffers, and himself a prince that she
always greatly accounted of. Therefore she had the greater cause
to be grieved with him, seeing that through his fault her honour
and sincerity was called in question, and the ruin of those whom
she thought to preserve advanced by him whom she had brought
down to help them.
All this and more I laid open to him, the more roundly because
I found him somewhat strangely carried away with the counsel of
his Beutrich, the chief firebrand of this combustion. But whether
he suspected my lack of authority to deal with him because I brought
him no letters of credence, or was offended with my plainness,
contained though it was within the bounds of modesty and truth,
he refused to give me any other answer than that he was able to
justify his actions, as her Majesty should shortly understand by his
letters to whom he was determined to send some one, and so
incontinently gave me my leave.
This is all the fruit my labour has yet yielded, either to the
Gauntois or to the Duke. I am the more sorry for him, because I
fear the consequence of his enterprise will be such as he will have
special cause to repent ; though his Beutrich think this an infallible
plot to constrain the Prince both to take part with his master and
to run a like course for his own safety. Whether he has herein
discharged the office of a sound counseller, I leave to the judgement
of others.—Bruges, 17 Nov. 1578.
P.S.—The cause of my coming to this town is to dispatch
the 'particular' obligations for the £45,000, which I look to have
to-morrow, and so return to Ghent. If her Majesty blame my
slackness in not writing from Ghent, you may truly excuse it
with a doubt I had as to writing from thence ; because their
soldiers 'lay upon' the villages in the way, and had of late
inte[rcepte]d divers letters. . . .
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. 8 pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 37.]
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[Nov. 17.]
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384. Draft of the above. Endd. 5 pp. [Ibid. X. 370.]
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Nov. 17.
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385. Postscript to the above letter.
I have received two packets from you since I left Antwerp ; one
within a day or two after my arrival at Ghent, by John Furryer,
the other yesterday by Mr. Cuswarth.
And whereas by the last I perceive her Majesty marvels she has
not heard from me since my coming to Ghent, please let her know
that the cause was partly a daily expectation of the common
assembly of the members of Ghent, and their answer to what had
been propounded both by me and others, partly the uncertainty of
the result, and partly a doubt I had about dispatching thence,
divers letters having of late been intercepted ; which some men are
like to pay dearly for, having to do with a multitude that cannot
distinguish between justice and injustice.
Touching the Prince of Parma's letter, I will on my return to
Antwerp see it speedily and safely conveyed.
I need not commend to your favour this bearer, my cousin Cheek,
as he is sufficiently known to you. If you will vouchsafe him some
piece of extraordinary favour for my sake, I will esteem it as
bestowed on myself.—Bruges, 17 Nov. 1578.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. 1 p. [Ibid. X. 38.]
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Nov. 18.
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386. WALSINGHAM to SIMIER.
2 Drafts. Fr. 1¾ pp. and 2 pp. Second draft damaged. [France
II. 84.]
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387. Another draft of the above. Endd. partly in cipher.
Fr. 1½ pp. [Ibid. II. 84a.]
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388. Another draft with several modifications. Endd. Fr.
2 pp. [Ibid. II. 84b.]
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Nov. 20.
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389. English version of the above. Both by yours of the 3rd
inst., and by letters from M. de Mauvissière, I have seen what you
write of the intention of Monsieur to send you hither to her Majesty.
But before your coming you desire answers to certain points. I have
not failed to impart the contents to her Majesty, who, seeing that
they swerved from the course hitherto held in their last negotiation
of marriage, 'impugning' the interview and urging an absolute
conclusion before it had taken place, could not tell what to judge
of such a strange manner of dealing, especially calling to mind
former proceedings in this matter, the wound being not yet cured,
and also being not ignorant of speeches given out of other offers ;
and therefore might be drawn to forbear any further proceeding.
Notwithstanding, since she conceived honourably of the Duke
himself, having given such assurance as he has of his devotion and
affection towards her, and being loth to cast the error of the
minister upon the master, she has willed me to signify to you
that whereas you write that the end of your sending hither is to
treat and conclude marriage and to pass articles, and that you would
not come hither but to that effect, which is also confirmed by the
Duke's own letter, if thereby his (sic) master's meaning be such an
absolute conclusion of the articles before the interview as is to take
place though good satisfaction should not follow upon the interview
(which God forbid), then she thinks it meet that you forbear to repair
hither ; and she cannot but find it strange, considering her mind
plainly delivered to Bacqueville and contained in her letter to the
Duke, in which she let him understand that she would never marry
any person without the sight of the party, that now she should be
pressed to grow to an absolute resolution before the interview. But
if he (sic) means to treat of the articles heretofore propounded by
the King's ministers, and where they are dark to render them more
plain, reserving those contained in the point of religion to be
resolved between themselves at the time of the interview, then she
can like well his repair hither.
And if you happen to come, in respect of the good will I bear
generally to the cause and particularly to yourself, I cannot but
advise you to carry yourself with great circumspection considering
that they that have to do with a prince that can see far off, and also
that the jealousy grounded upon the error of former proceedings
is not so thoroughly quenched, but it may be easily kindled,
have (sic) need to consider advisedly that their dealing be plain,
sincere, and free from all ground of suspicion. And as I know you
to be wise, so I doubt not but you will take profit of this advice, and
so carry yourself as may be best for his (sic) master's benefit and
his own honour.
Marginal note to : All this was left out in the second that was
sent, and instead thereof was written as is set down on the other
side at the [Walsingham's mark] mark. This is as follows :
[Walsingham's mark] That whereas [as above to] effect, her Majesty finds it strange
that she should be now urged to a conclusion of articles before
the interview, seeing she so plainly delivered her mind to Bacqueville
and to the ambassador since, that she did not think it
honourable for her to conclude articles before the interview,
knowing not what might follow on it, being taught by former
experience to her great dishonour to forbear proceeding to conclusion
of articles before she is assured that the match is likely
to take effect ; yet, if for the clearing of the articles before propounded,
being perhaps in some points dark and obscure, the Duke
shall find it expedient to send you hither, her Majesty has willed
me to let you understand that she well allows of your coming.
And if you happen to come [as above to] suspicion. And surely
amongst other things her Majesty being given to understand by the
ambassador that after the receipt of my letter by which I signified
to you that she thought it meet you should come with a small train,
to avoid the speech of the world, he was once determined to have so
proceeded in your journey ; she finds it strange that you have
altered that purpose with a determination not to repair hither
unless you may be satisfied in certain points.
And now as I know you to be wise [as above].—Richmond,
20 Nov. 1578.
Endd. by L. Tomson. 3 pp. [France II. 84c.]
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390. Rough draft, in English, for the above, in Walsingham's
hand. 3½ pp. [Ibid. 84d.]
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391. Extract of a portion of the above. Endd. by L. Tomson.
Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. II. 84e.]
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Nov. 20.
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392. The ESTATES OF NORMANDY to the KING.
In reply to the demand contained in the king's letters patent of
Aug. 19 last, the Estates of Normandy protest that they are his
very faithful and obedient subjects. They humbly beseech him to
put all taxes, subsidies, and other imposts back to what they were
in the time of King Lewis XII ; and as occasion serves to take steps
with regard to the multiplicity of officers who have since, that time
been set up, and [to maintain] the clergy, the nobility and the third
Estate in their liberties and prerogatives according to the Charter
of Normandy.
On these terms the Estates grant for this year the sum to which
the tax for the land of Normandy amounted in the time of the said
king, begging his Majesty to be content therewith and to believe
that this request proceeds not from lack of good will, but from the
impossibility in which the common people find themselves of
continuing the charges which they have hitherto borne, as was
represented by the deputies of the land with those of the other
provinces at the meeting of the Estates-General held lately at Blois.
In spite of which representation nothing for the relief of the
people resulted from that meeting, much as they hoped for it ; but
in Normandy more excessive imposts than ever were levied, in a
fashion so strange that in the persuasion they have of his Majesty's
clemency the Estates are sure that he would feel compassion for
the oppression and misery of his subjects if they were honestly set
before him.
The hardest thing has been that the better part, which has been
levied on the clergy and people, for tolls and impositions, from which
the nobility, who have always been free, have had no exemption, is
said to have gone not to the profit of his Majesty but to certain
individuals, who to satisfy their cupidity have not scrupled under
colour of edicts for which a fine pretext has been found, to enrich
themselves out of the need of the King's poor subjects.
Wherein had not the three Estates been obstinately devoted to
his Majesty, being assured that such cunning inventions do not
proceed from him, the authors of such things might have caused disaffection
and despair.
Besides that the privileges of the charter of Normandy have been
violated by a number of foreign commissioners who flow into
Normandy from all parts, and by the transfers of suits (évocations)
granted on every occasion to the great prejudice of the nobility and
the other estates, who see with great regret this disturbance of the
rights and possessions they have always maintained, and made as a
pure matter of contract with the King's predecessors.
Great grief and injury is caused by the alienation of sums levied
before they are called for or granted in the Estates, insolent and
cruel acts, which have of late years, and especially since Easter,
been committed by the soldiers ; over and above the exactions of
those who manage the finances, of which the Estates propose to
furnish his Majesty with a detailed statement, that he may know
how the people are tormented under the cloak of his authority.
They further ask him to reduce the number of officers as above,
by suppressing some without waiting for vacancies by death or
retirement, and without compensation or continuance of pay ;
seeing that these people did not take office for the public good, still
less for the king's service, but only as leeches to suck the blood of
his poor vassals.
For all which ills may it please his Majesty to provide, and take
these humble representations in good part, as from his very loyal
subjects who are anxious for the maintenance of his authority and
the preservation of his state.
Beseeching him finally not to take it amiss if the malice of the
authors of these extraordinary levies and pernicious edicts, which
ruin the people and impair the royal state, continuing, they oppose
it by all due means within their power ; and meanwhile suspend the
execution of the demand contained in his Majesty's letters aforesaid,
until their just demands have been satisfied.—Rouen, 19 Nov. 1578.
Copy, enclosed in Poulet's of Dec. 6. (No. 423) Endd. Fr.
2½ pp. [France II. 89.]
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