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Nov. 1.
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336. KILLEGREW to DAVISON.
I have received your letter, for which I thank you. I am still at
Hendon with my wife ; both not the strongest, but I trust we shall
to London before Christmas if the plague diminish as it begins to
do, for the last certificates are less by almost 200. When I
come there, if you acquaint me with my suit you have in hand I
will solicit for you as for myself. To these persons you may be
bold to use me : my lord of Leicester, who is my good lord ; my
lord Keeper and my lord Treasurer, Mr Vice-Chamberlain, and Mr
Secretary Walsingham. These are the men to whom I wish you
would chiefly apply with advertisements and compliment. I have
not imparted your occurents either to my lord of Huntingdon nor
to my lord of Bedford for lack of conveyance, but hereafter I shall
have better occasion.
I am sorry to see the troubles there increase by so many
particular circumstances, but God knows what to do ; and in my
judgement I think it most fit that the Prince should join with the
Gantoys, though not in open shew, for their course makes most for
his strength and his surety, and for the advancement of the Gospel,
which cannot grow among so many briers and thorns but by
persecution. I cannot 'acquit' your news with any from here, but
when any comes to my knowledge I will not be very negligent.
In my last [see Dom. Add. Oct. 25] I troubled you touching my
boy I left with M. Argenlieu ; and after the post was gone I heard
through a friend of mine that the boy did not deserve I should have
that care of him, for I hear he was twice in Antwerp without leave
since the camp marched. So I mean to leave him to himself,
seeing he will not obey me, but rather tends to put me to shame.
Of a 'baster' [? bastard] vine seldom come sweet grapes. The
money which of your friendship you lent him I shall 'answer' with
thankfulness.
If it were not over troublesome, I would gladly know in your
next what towns or castles the States or the Duke have 'recovered
upon' Don John, since Count Bossu was lieutenant-general.
With my wife's and my hearty commendation to you and yours,
not forgetting Mr Travers, and beseeching the Lord to nourish His
faith and fear in us all.—Hendon, 1 Nov.
Add. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 1 bis.]
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Nov. 2.
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337. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON.
A servant of Sir Henry Woodhouse, of whom this bearer can
inform you, has lately fled out of this realm, and it is supposed gone
into the Low Countries, having taken with him a good sum of his
master's money. If he may be heard of in those parts, let this
bearer have the best assistance you can give for his apprehension
and the recovery of the money.—Richmond, 2 Nov. 1578.
Add. Endd. 12 ll. [Ibid. X. 2.]
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Nov. 2.
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338. ROSSEL to WALSINGHAM.
Yours of Oct. 21 consoled me a good deal, when I knew that my
labours were acceptable to the Queen, especially in the method which
I have begun, which I adopted formerly in the advices which I
furnished to the King of Spain when I was in his service in France.
I shall not object to continuing it on every convenient occasion,
provided you will kindly direct your secretary to put me right if
there should be any misunderstanding, and to acknowledge the
receipt of my packets.
Touching the negotiation you mention, of the commissioners
deputed to pacify the Gantois and Walloons, they have returned
without result. The Gantois would not agree to the 'Religion Wlitz'
unless all the provinces accept it, and permit the exercise similarly ;
to which the Hennuyers are opposed. In that case they will
restore the churchmen to their goods for the future ; as for what has
been pillaged, it is dispersed and irrecoverable. Touching the
prisoners they will guard them safely and do them no personal
injury. On these conditions they submit to the States, not to the
Walloons, who claim the indemnification [reintegration] of the
priests and Catholics together with the discharge of the prisoners.
On the part of the Estates they have been offered two months' pay in
money and two months' in cloths, which they have declined ; being
egged on in such wise that both sides remain in stupid and obstinate
hostility.
M. de Capres, Governor of Artois, hearing of the imprisonment of
the magistrates of Artois on a charge of intelligence with the French,
hastened thither with some troops, having stirred up the people and
the priests against the Fifteen ; who were at once seized, the magistrates
released, and three of the Fifteen hanged the same night.
The Court being advertised of this execution, wrote to M. de Capres
to stop the persecution ; which he said was the people's work, as
well as the design they had to hang the others.
This has caused an alteration among the people in several towns,
especially at Ghent ; where the interruption of the negotiation was
due as much to this tragedy as to their obstinacy.
Count Egmont came to Ghent during the conference, to visit
Duke Casimir ; who was informed by the Gantois that only respect
for him kept them from lodging the Count with the other prisoners,
as they believed him to be on the side of the Malcontents.
M. de Fromont has been sent to Mons to recall the Duke of
Aerschot and the other councillors ; who will not come without
security. This causes them to be suspected and charged with
scheming. The Prince of Chimay is come to Antwerp ; I think
with a view of getting away his mother, the Duchess of Aerschot.
The secession of Hainault and Artois is held to be certain. The
Seneschal of Hainault, governor of Tournay, has received letters
from Mons [?'Nous' in orig.] to get Tournay and the district to join
this secession. He has sent the letters to the Archduke, and I
think will hold to his party. M. de Willerval, governor of Lille,
Douay, and Orchies has received similar letters from Mons, of
which he has informed the Court. It is hoped that Valenciennes
will not back the secession.
M. de la Motte, governor of Gravelines, seems desirous to leave
the Spanish party and join the league of Malcontents at Mons.
Some days ago there was a rumour here that her Majesty had
expressed to Casimir's envoy her dissatisfaction with him for going
to Ghent without consulting the Archduke and the States. The
people have much approved this.
I am told that Villiers is practising by various means to set on
foot the marriage of the Queen and the Duke of Anjou,
and that things have made some progress. Indeed the Duke is
said to have enjoined Queen Mother [?] not to solicit any further
the marriage with the Infanta [?] as he is secure here. I know not
if it is false.
Our camp, after having received an instalment of 150,000
florins, has marched to Jodoigne, a little town abandoned by the
enemy a good league from Tillemont. Some think they will go on
to Diest, others that they will encamp at Louvain.
On the 10th will arrive the Emperor's deputies to treat for peace.
This will be necessary for us in order to break the leagues and
designs of the French and the Malcontents.
A person has been sent to arrange a new tragedy, which would be
memorable if it could be brought to pass. I spoke of it formerly to
your Excellency.—Antwerp, 2nd Nov. 1578.
Add. Endd. Fr. 3½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 3.]
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Nov. 2.
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339. [ ] to [F. de Moncheaux.]
Whenever an occasion of writing to you offers, I cannot bear it to
be lost : for I am glad to do so, both because I love you, and because
as when an emetic takes effect, I seem to be relieved of a heavy
burthen when I can pour my griefs into your bosom.
I wrote to you in French and understand that you had the letter in
the town where we were together lately. I also wrote another in Latin ;
this I wrote at home, and having come to your country on business
I handed it to your Giles, who know who. I wish the last may
have been given to you [Marginal note : I have not received it].
I was, I frankly confess, a little upset when I wrote, and that on two
grounds, public and private ; public, on account of this unexpected
death and such a plague as is thought in all past ages never to have
been in that town ; private, for the reason which you know and I
hope approve. Perhaps I am abusing your friendship—and yet let
me do it—in telling about myself ; there is nothing I will not
willingly do for your sake. There is in that place an aunt of mine,
Catherine Borch ; she lives in a small house in the Black Friars' Street.
At the end of September she was in good health but in such distress
and difficulty that it seemed hardly possible for her to subsist. I
believe that if it could in any way be managed for her to be freed
from the soldiers who are billeted on her, she might live, if not comfortably,
at least not uncomfortably. The house, as I said, is very
small, her means are limited, her age advanced ; I owe her much.
If you can grant me this of your kindness ; get her some assistance
in the matter ; you can offer nothing more agreeable to me, more
suitable to your courtesy, or kinder. If anything can be obtained,
let it be sent to the Head of the College of Savoy, together with my
letter enclosed.
In that Latin letter of mine I wrote to you further that the affairs
of the Walloon provinces are in such a state that there never was a
better opportunity of doing good. An honourable legation, tolerable
conditions, seem as if they might establish eternal peace for us ; and
I believe it now more than before for the sake of your city [Note :
Arras] which has fortunately shaken off its servitude to some dirty
scamps. I do not write about this for I suppose you know of it.
The Walloons at Menin do not seem to fear an attack ; they have
occupied Lannoy. M. de Hèze has been to them.
There was a fight this week near Courtray and the reiters of that
marauding Palatine were disgracefully routed ; a great many being
drowned, many killed, some taken prisoners, a very ridiculous thing
for their nation.
Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Guelders, Friesland, Overyssel, and
some provinces of Flanders, have met several times at Utrecht, and
have agreed upon a new treaty, which I would send you if it was to
be had in French. The conditions are as abominable as can be ;
[but] there is one thing in them in which all agree alike—defence
against the foreign guest [Marg. note : M. d'Anjou], whose ambition
is punished with so great disgrace that I should think he will be
wise at last, though late. The people of Tournay have sallied from
the town in arms, and barred the passage of the Scheldt to them ;
the people of Mons wish him not to be too curious in another's house,
it is an ugly thing to want to be master where your footing
is not sure. If you like what I lately wrote as to the legation
get it done as soon as possible before they can coalesce
into some new form under the new treaty. We often see in bodies
badly disposed, with tainted humours, that one disease gives rise to
another, and illness is piled on illness, until it seems to be not one
disease but a mass of diseases. The body of our commonwealth has
admitted most grievous diseases into the part where its health and
life subsist, which is the reason why one disorder springs from
another. Unskilled doctors want to relieve them by some new-fangled
drug, but if they were wise and had a grasp of the art they profess
they would look for the source and origin of the evil, and would
cure it. So long as they treat now one part, now another, they
vary, not remove, the disease. But while their want of skill is
intolerable, we have an endless number of them, and those in
honour. They bind the wound with one treaty and another for
bandages, but they achieve no more than sick people who roll from
side to side, and cannot find the rest they seek. I think it would
be a good thing to prevent those doctors.
That you may the better understand how sick our commonwealth
is, here is an example of fever terminating in frenzy. There is a
cry at Douay that the French have been let into Tournay ; the
rumour is persistent, the author uncertain ; they run to arms with
such fury that you would deem them crazy. There are the banners,
the soldiers, the market place crowded, disorderly shouts, the oath
recited, hands raised, all with one voice, 'the country, the country.'
If they had only gone so far it might have seemed a fever ; the
amount of tainted humour is too great than to rest at that disorder.
There is a rush to the houses of M. de Stracs, M. d'Yon, M. Bruoque ;
they are turned out of bed in the early morning ; they are stripped
of their arms, indicted, and banished from the city. The Jesuits
are visited ; though the city owes them much, they cannot obtain
leave to pack up library and furniture and defer their departure till
the morrow ; in short, all who had taken refuge in the city are
compelled, in one and the same proclamation, to return whence they
came.
The Walloons are said to have conspired with M. de la Motte
whom they affirm to be at St. Omer. Your stepson [in margin :
Rebreivettes] has gone to that town.
I have received a letter from Lubeck, of Sept. 28, in which it is
stated that 4,000 horse are coming to the Spaniards under the
Duke of Lauenburg, the Count of Isenburgh, and Frundsberg. The
Spaniards are said to be setting up their combs (erigere cristas), and
plundering the suburbs of Brussels and Breda. I fear that salvation
itself cannot save us. We shall fall under the wounds inflicted, if
not by strangers, by one another.—Ex meo Musaeo, 2 Nov. 1578.
Apparently intercepted. Endd. in French : The name of the
author of this letter is written in the letter of François de Moncheaux
to M. de Vaux [No. 374] thus ([symbol] 7 [symbol] [symbol]) ; and by L. Tomson,
Novemb. 2 1578.
Latin : Marginal notes in Fr. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 4.]
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Nov. 3.
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340. SIMIER to MAUVISSIERE.
'3 Nov. 1578. To M. de Mauvissière from M. de Simier.'
By the tenor of your two letters I have seen among other things
that the Queen of England seems still willing to 'make an interview,'
and insists upon it as much as ever ; which I think would
give cause to 'incur into' the danger of the discovery of this
matter, of which, as Mr Walsingham and Mr Stafford write to me,
her Majesty is so much afraid. It is certain that the length of time
passed in securing and executing this interview, and the manner
and place of it, will publish through the world what it is meant
should be hidden till it takes effect. I say nothing of the difficulties
in the matter of the interview, for if they should cease, the length
of the time to make it 'as well of the carefulness for provisions and
furnitures' as for the rigor of the approaching winter, very unfit to
travel by sea, and the malice of some that desire the breach of it
may bring so many difficulties to this matter that if her Majesty is
willing to correspond to the amity which his Highness bears to her
she ought to avoid this interview, and at the very first day to talk of
the sureties which his Highness earnestly and in good faith offers
and desires to give and to receive of her ; upon which point he has
wholly resolved and upon which has been grounded the command
I have to repair to her Majesty and not to negotiate
for an interview, which can only serve to hinder this happy
negotiation [in the other letter : a rock to hinder this happy
navigation] and put off the entrance into a haven so desired.
This I beseech you to consider, and to declare it both to her Majesty
and to others when necessary, and to assure them that his good will
is so, as he writes to her. This she ought to like, both for the
causes aforesaid and for others which she may well judge of.
Thereby also she may know a manifest witness of the amity of
of his Highness, who through the greatness and vehemence thereof
is impatient of all 'tarryance.' For my part, being appointed to
conclude the marriage and to pass articles, I could not make a
voyage thither for other effect, and unless I know the consent of her
Majesty, which I will look for with your advice.—Paris, 3 Nov. 1578.
P.S.—I pray you to excuse me for not writing with my own hand ;
I have lately been ill at ease. I pray you to let Mr Walsingham
and Mr Stafford understand this. For God's sake, sir, so deal that
the Queen 'stay not upon the interview ;' and send back the bearer
with what diligence you may, that I may resolve according to the
answer I receive. If she stays on the interview, it is a matter that
cannot be. But if she will treat according to the authority which I
have the 'view may be served' by articles apart. And if the
parties do not like, no bargain ; and broken off, to remain good
friends.
English translation. Heading and endt. in L. Tomson's hand.
2 pp. [France II. 77.]
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Nov. 3.
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341. SIMIER to WALSINGHAM.
I have received yours of the 14th ult. in which you announce the
wish of the Queen your mistress in regard to the reduction of my
train in the journey which I have to make to her by command of
his Highness. I beg you to assure her that my train shall be as
she pleases ; knowing that the most acceptable service I can do his
Highness is to conform in all respects to her wishes, whom he desires
above all things to please. I beg her to believe that whatever may
have been said, the train which I mean to bring on this journey
is so moderate that (regard being had to the respect due to the
greatness of the business in hand) there need be no fear of any
inconveniences such as you mention, however it may turn out. I
hope to have my equipage so reduced and so composed as regards
the persons that her Majesty may have no fear of the negotiation
getting wind through too great report, or of anyone having occasion
to discourse thereof at his fancy. For as I know that my master's
intention and the orders which I have from him are wholly turned
to performance and not to appearances, common prudence teaches
me that the negotiation of such business ought to be like the
thunderbolt of which you perceive the effect before you see the
flash or hear the noise. On which I am at this point constrained
to enlarge a little, and to have an explanation with you upon what
seems from your letters and those of Mr Stafford and the
ambassador, to be still her Majesty's wish for an interview, upon
which you say in your letters she fears ; [more as in the last letter],
which she appears to be as much bent as ever. This as it seems
to me would be to incur openly the inconvenience of discovery.
Which is why I thought good to write you this line openly and
frankly about the wish of his Highness and the cause of my journey,
that you may, if you please, impart it to her Majesty, to whom his
Highness has also written. She will if she so pleases by the answer
she will bid you write, acquaint me with her wish.—Paris, 3 Nov.
1578.
Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Ibid. II. 78.]
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Nov. 3.
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342. SIMIER to STAFFORD.
Same purport as the last, rather more briefly expressed.—Paris,
3 Nov. 1578.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. II. 79.]
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Nov. 3.
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343. FRANÇOIS DE MONCHEAUX to the CITIZENS OF ARRAS.
God having of His grace preserved the town of Arras from the
most barbarous and tyrannical oppression I ever saw, at the very
moment when there seemed no hope of remedy, we must hope
that this favour will extend further, and that taking what has been
done for a beginning only of greater prosperity in the future, He
will grant to that and all other truly Catholic towns a lasting and
salutary reconciliation with their Prince ; without which the former
favour would be of little effect, since in that way only can any
release from the sufferings endured up till now be hoped for or even
imagined. For to suppose henceforth that we shall find by way of
arms such repose for the country as we promised ourselves when
with too much simplicity we let ourselves be drawn into that
pernicious association with heretics, is to deceive ourselves, and our
experience hitherto ought to make us deem the contrary. But even
if it were so that in the way of arms any hope still remained to us,
what wise man would advise to try to obtain our desire rather by
civil war with all its misfortunes than by reconciliation and agreement
so far as it could be found in reason?
Now gentlemen this peace has been for a long time past (passé a
déjà long temps) offered you by his Majesty with all the securities
that you can in reason desire. Up to now you have not accepted it,
nor is this surprising, considering the hindrances placed in the way
by the seditious and heretics, by whom you were in truth miserably
commanded and oppressed, their intention being to suppress the
Catholic religion and the King's authority, putting the country in
perpetual slavery to foreign heretics ; nor was anything so contrary
to their wish as peace. But as by the grace of God you have now
regained your personal freedom, and your freewill to choose what is
good and salutary, I cannot doubt that you will be very willing to
get away from all these warlike pursuits, and embrace the reconciliation,
which, as I have said, is offered you anew. This will I hope
be clear to you from the letter of the Prince of Parma which goes
with this. Having been commanded to send it to you, it seemed to
me that I ought to accompany it with one from myself, to discharge
my duty to the town of Arras as one of its citizens ; whereby you
and I are alike bound not only to bring to knowledge whatever we
may have heard contrary or mischievous to that town, but to conceal
nothing that we know of which may turn out to its advantage, like
this peace and whatever means may bring you thereto and remove
all cause of distrust. I cannot see on what this can be validly
grounded, since the King claims nothing of you save the maintenance
of the Catholic religion and his obedience, which you are of yourselves
ready to maintain. He entrusts the guardianship of the city to
us, as always, with no garrison whatever, discharging us from
all extraordinary imposts, to let the people recover from their
distress. But to assure you still more of his promises, though I
would not suspect you of doubting them, many of the nobility of
Artois, who though they foresaw these troubles long before, preferred
spoliation to consenting to the evils they foresaw, not only will
make themselves responsible, but will be security for it, putting
themselves and their families in your power ; etc. etc.—Paris, 3 Nov.
1578.
I know, through traders who come here, that you have been and
are very ill-informed of all that goes on in the armies, and of their
state and strength. You are also told so many foolish things that I
need not recount them. But all this is imputed to those whom you
have chastised and we doubt not that in future, and since you have
recovered your liberty you will be more curious to hear what happens
in very truth.
Since writing my letter it has been thought good that I should
tell you that if for the greater quieting of the citizens, who perhaps
on this point might not at once be unanimous, you preferred to
treat with his Majesty rather than with another, I might have the
honour [?] of offering to serve you and going without any expense
to you, alone or in company with whomsoever you might choose, to
his Majesty with your instructions and requests, and bring back his
word and signature. This last article is written by the advice of
M. d'Arcanty.
Copy, made apparently under Poulet's directions. Endd. in same
hand as No. 339 : To the citizens of the town of Arras from François
de Moncheaux, and date. Fr. 3½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 5.]
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Nov. 3.
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344. 'A note for the obligations to be given for £401 2s.
wanting of the £12,121 4s. received of Baptista Spinola.'
Memo, in writing of L. Tomson, endd. as above. Latin. ⅓ p.
[Ibid. X. 6.]
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Nov. 4.
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345. WILSON to DAVISON.
As you have served very faithfully hitherto, so the scope of your
travail must be to bring quietness to that country and peace
universally. And whereas great division has of late arisen among
the people themselves, the common enemy being ready upon this
occasion to devour them all, I doubt not but as I wrote to you before
to deal with the magistrates and people there to agree among
themselves and convert their forces jointly against their enemy, so
you have discharged your duty in that behalf, as was her
Majesty's special command. God grant that after so long troubles
the effects of your and others' travail may speedily appear. If the
Emperor thoroughly prosecute his intention to send away strangers
(and that the Estates have all forts and towns delivered up to them)
I see no reason why quiet should not follow, unless the people
wilfully break the peace among themselves as 'malicing' one
another for the matter of religion, whereas they should love one
another if they were Christians and everyone bear with his
neighbour's error or imperfection and not seek to kill him for whom
Christ died. But I fear the devil has cast his club among them and
carries many of them to their own destruction. Unhappy is the
country where the meanest sort has the greatest sway, for in a
base multitude is never seen good counsel or sound judgement.
God keep England from any such confused authority.—Richmond,
4 Nov. 1578.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. X. 7.]
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Nov. 4.
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346. The DUKE OF ANJOU to the STATES.
Like you I am much displeased at the contentions which have
come about between the Gantois and the Walloons, being no less
sorry than yourselves for all that can disturb your repose. For
having espoused the cause of your preservation, and embraced your
fortunes, I cannot but participate in your good and ill. Therefore,
upon the news I have what is going on in Flanders, well-knowing
that the first care of those who love the common liberty is to
prevent one of the members from being injured by another, nothing
being more contrary to nature than to attack one's neighbour with
whom one ought to join forces, I have in all haste dispatched M. des
Pruneaux to explain my intentions to you, and my wish to seek all
means for extinguishing this fire. He will also explain to you the
reasons why my army disbanded, that you may know how much
benefit your delays and postponements have brought me. I often
warned you and begged you to satisfy me, both for the relief of my
sick and wounded and the publication of the treaty in the army
which not having been done, I could not honourably or in sufficient
strength join the army, as otherwise I was very willing to do.
From this and from the delay in handing over the towns have
sprung a number of troubles which those who have witnessed them
can represent to you. Many gentlemen and soldiers have died in a
strange fashion, for which every humane person will feel compassion,
through having no place of security. The hardest hearts might be
softened at the thought of the wretched fortune of a courageous
nobility, who, exposing itself to every danger for your benefit, could
not but have been relieved by a suitable place of retreat where their
wounds might be tended. Those who have seen what has happened
have been so much vexed (traversés) by it that it has been impossible
to keep them. Other causes have since supervened, which des
Pruneaux will recount to you. If you had taken heed of those reasonable
proposals, I feel sure that you would have received inestimable
benefit. I have not, however, lost the wish to assist you, and I can
still raise a good number of forces beside what remain with me.
Lastly, you may have heard what the Estates of Hainault have
proposed to you for the good of the country and what they think
necessary to establish a good repose. I think you ought to fall in
with this, as a matter agreeable to reason and equity.—Mons,
4 Nov. 1578.
Copy. Endd. by L. Tomson : The copy of a letter of credit for
Pruneaux from Monsieur to the States. He is sorry for the division
happened in Flanders. Blames them for not performing the articles
contained in the accord ; etc. Walsingham's mark Another endorsement
gives the names of various negotiators between the States and
Monsieur. Fr. 2½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 8.]
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Nov. 5.
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347. POULET to BURGHLEY.
Being advertised by one of my servants lately returned from
England that you were well recovered and intended shortly to be at
the Court, I will not trouble you with many words ; not doubting
that my letter to her Majesty by this bearer will be imparted to
you. And indeed the matter in it is so diverse and tedious that it
could not well be reduced within the compass of an ordinary letter.
Yet, as I am not sure where this will find you, I have given a few
details.
This country does not enjoy long quietness, the contention
between Damville and Chastillon in Languedoc and that between
the Count de Suze and the Count de Carces in Provence being
grown to be of dangerous consequence. Chastillon is seised of the
castle of Beaucaire, and in revenge Damville has taken d'Andelot
and Mme de Teligny and detains them as prisoners. The Count of
Susa is appointed governor in Provence by the King, and the Count
of Carces, assisted by a great part of the nobility of both religions, will
not receive him. Towns are seized on both sides, and now Queen
Mother is prayed by the King to go to those provinces, trusting that
her authority and policy may serve to reduce them to quietness.
Marcel d'Oria is arrived at Marseilles with 22 galleys for the
King of Spain, and pretends to be bound for Spain and thence to
Oran on the coast of Barbary. But Spanish pretences are often
fair without and foul within, and therefore it will be meet to have
my eye on those galleys. It is reported here for truth that the
eldest son of the King of Spain is deceased.
The house of Guise continues in its froward humour and refuses
utterly to come to Court. Their faction is mighty and reaches into
most parts of this realm. Poverty, ambition, and discontent are of
great force to move these men to stir the coals. Their opportunities
abroad are much decayed by the death of Don John ; and in their
own country they find matter at pleasure.
The Bishop of Ross is expected here daily.
Unless you have my revocation in hand during this winter
I fear next summer will be so hot (I mean, so full of troubles), that
new occasions may be taken to keep me here some time longer than
perhaps is now intended. I humbly pray you to assist me with your
friendly favour.—Paris, 5 Nov. 1578.
Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [France II. 80.]
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Nov. 5
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348. POULET to the SECRETARIES.
I perceive partly by M. Simier, but especially by du Vray, that
great jealousy is conceived of a letter sent lately by you, Mr Walsingham,
to Simier ; so that they now seem to 'stand upon' new
consultations and I think have sent to Monsieur for his resolution.
Du Vray tells me that they ground themselves upon a letter from
Monsieur to the Queen, in which he promised to send Simier with
full powers to conclude this intended marriage ; and because she
answered that Simier would be welcome, they infer she accepted the
conditions mentioned in the letter, which they say 'imported' to
resolve all things touching the marriage. These men seem to be
greatly perplexed, and if they seek only to be satisfied of their doubts,
their alterations are the more tolerable. I have written at length to
her Majesty of two conferences which Simier has had with me.
Sir Francis Englefield is lately arrived here ; and the Bishop of
Ross is expected daily. I hope to give you some good account of
Sir Francis Englefield.—Paris, 5 Nov. 1578.
Overleaf, in autograph : My will is good enough to trouble you
both with particular letters as in time past ; wherein I pray you to
hold me excused this time. I have dispatched the messenger in
some haste, because I think it convenient her Majesty should hear
from me before she hears from Monsieur.
Add. Endd. 1 p. 5 ll. [France II. 81.]
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Nov. 5.
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349. DAVISON to WALSINGHAM.
Yours of the 26th ult. reached me only yesterday. This morning
Treasurer Schetz and Spinola coming to me, I thought it well
to impart 'with' them your opinion touching the bond for 30,000
florins, which was very agreeable to them. The treasurer has
promised to take some pains himself in framing the letters on the
points I delivered to him, to procure their speedy dispatch from the
States, and to send them after me to Ghent ; so I guess you will
have them by the next. For the £400 2s. I write of in my general
letter, though I have bound myself to repay it to Spinola in case
her Majesty does not give her own bond for it or add it to the
30,000 florins, yet the Prince and States have promised their counterbond
for my indemnity. For the general bonds for this last sum I
had obligations sent me, but not in the form I desired. The treasurer
has however undertaken to see them dispatched to my full contentment.
I had the greatest difficulty to get the bond of Antwerp ; but
now the way is made, I think I shall get the rest much more easily.
Your letter to the Governor came too late, as he departed homeward
last week ; but all things are well compounded between him
and me, and between him and Mr Travers, who goes peaceably
forward in his good work. You have done us a singular benefit in
advancing it by your 'well-handling' of our adversary, and I think
we shall hear no more of those curious difficulties.
Your former letter with advice as to my dealing with the Gantois
and Duke Casimir was much liked by the Prince, Schetz, and divers
others to whom I thought good to communicate the greater part of
it, both to maintain them in their favourable opinion of your labours
for the common cause, and to remove the suspicion conceived of her
Majesty's intelligence with Casimir ; to which it has greatly
profited, though the impression be not yet removed out of the minds
of a number. I would wish therefore her pleasure were to write
somewhat roundly to Duke Casimir and the Gantois, and that copies
might be sent to me, to impart where I found most convenient.
Surely that action is so important to prevent, that if it pass a little
further, I shall despair of the health of this country. But those
two violent natures met together, I mean Embize and Beutrich, are
able to set more on fire than either they or the wisest are like to
quench till it has wrought irreparable hurt. Junius is kept here
to solicit his master's causes, because Beutrich would still rule alone,
knowing those honest counsellors would be impediments to his
dangerous plots. I pray God the Duke find not his error in respect
of Beutrich too late.
Zuleger has written to you by my man, and has prayed me to
'put to' my hand towards his furtherance, though I know it needs
not. If you vouchsafe to signify your resolution by letter to him or
myself it will be welcome.—Antwerp, 5 Nov. 1578, scribbled in haste.
P.S.—I had been at Ghent long ere this but for these money
matters and my bond, which I durst not leave undispatched. But
I will not fail to be there as to-morrow night. If during my being
there I might have letters of 'creance' or others from her Majesty
for my better warrant, I hope we should do the more good.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson with precis of subjects. 1 p. [Holl.
and Fl. X. 9.]
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Nov. 5.
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350. DAVISON to KILLEGREW.
Since my last I have received two letters from you [See Dom. Add.
Eliz. XXV. nos. 116, 117]. I would have recompensed you with
the like from my own hand at some length, but being ready to take
horse for Ghent, I have scarce the leisure to afford you one 'self'
line. I have therefore caused your nephew to write out a copy of
such occurrents as my man takes with him ; which I enclose. From
Ghent I shall be able to give you some better light on these things.
—Antwerp, 5 Nov. 1578.
P.S.—Pray remember my wife and myself heartily to Mrs Killegrew,
and to the three sisters, whom I pray God to bless.
The places taken by the Duke and Count Bossu since they have
been in the field are only Nivelles, Binche, Gemblours, and three or
four little castles ; but by this time we hope they are also in
Tillemont and Diest, whither they have marched since last Friday.
Draft. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. X. 10.]
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Nov. 5.
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351. DAVISON to LEICESTER.
The disorders in Flanders breeds such confusion here that I see
'not what' good hope of the result if it be not soon redressed. All
that the Gauntois can be brought to is that they are content to
restore the goods of the clergy that are recoverable, and to accord
the toleration of both religions in their town, so that those of
Hainault and Artois will permit the like in their provinces. But
they will by no means agree to release the prisoners till the troubles
are at an end ; promising however that in the mean time no violence
shall be done them. So this answer sufficing not, and 'having'
little hope of inducing them to better, the compounding of that
difference grows every day more desperate. The Walloons meantime
grow strong, having lately received to their succour divers
companies of French besides Combell's regiment lying about Lannoy.
Their cause is also favoured and in a manner openly embraced both
by Monsieur and the Estates of Hainault and Artois ; who, together
with our malcontents, as the Duke of Aerschot, the Marquis his
brother, now a great Frenchman, the Marquis of Bergues, and divers
others retired thither under the Duke's wings, seem inclined to
embark their fortunes in this civil war against the Gauntois, as men
that think to redress one mischief by a greater, not foreseeing or not
regarding the danger into which their strife will throw themselves
or their country—the rather when it will open the gap
to their common enemy, who, as appears by the prophecies of
Escovedo, has long since gaped for this advantage. Divers of the
chief towns in Flanders and Brabant, to prevent this mischief, have
sent deputies to persuade those of Ghent ; to whom the States also
are sending to-morrow other commissioners, and have requested me
to join in this good labour with them. Meanwhile they have sent
others to Monsieur and our malcontents of Hainault and Artois, to
divert them if it may be from taking part with the Walloons ; which
I doubt will be a desperate labour, unless the Gauntoys incline to
some better conformity. A great part of their obstinacy is imputed
to the pressure of Duke Casimir, who daily withdraws both horse
and foot from the camp thither ; being drawn into this course by
the counsel of Beutrich and Dathenus, his servants, both men more
able to confound than redress the state of things—dangerous I fear
both for this commonwealth in general and for the honour of the
Duke in particular. And though I and others that know the Duke's
wonted sincerity are satisfied in conscience that his error in this
behalf is unwitting and so in part excusable, yet he is blameworthy
in suffering his good nature to be abused by unsound counsel. But
you shall know more particularly what I find on my coming to
Ghent.
Our camp increases in penury and sickness. It removed last
Friday from beside Gemblours and should be to-night before Diest,
which town they mean to attempt and having taken it, to lodge their
whole army there, at Tillemont, and at Aerschot for part of this
winter, leaving the bare fields to their enemy if he come out of his
holds. He will this year be able, owing to the spoil of the country
and consequent penury of all things, to attempt nothing of
importance ; if this division in Flanders do not, partly for lack of
pay, partly by subornation, withdraw the forces of the States into
that rich province. This has been already threatened and with
much difficulty hindered hitherto by their commanders.—Antwerp,
5 Nov. 1578.
Draft. Endd. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 11.]
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Nov. 5.
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352. DAVISON to the SECRETARIES.
Much the same information as in the last. M. de Hèze has this last
week declared for the Walloons, not unlike to be seconded ere many
days pass by the Duke of Aerschot, the Marquis, his brother, now a
great favourite with Monsieur, and the rest of the crew of
malcontents retired into that corner. Their common enemy, partly
heartened with this opportunity, partly strengthened with his new
supplies, estimated at 6,000 or 7,000 men, besides certain forces of
Swisses which he expects, rejects the overtures for peace, and
hopes ere many days to have the advantage, as in likelihood
it will fall out ; the States abandoning the field to him as of
necessity they must, both because they grow inferior to him in
number—for it is incredible how much their forces are decayed,
especially the foot, some by sickness, some having retired voluntarily,
the rest either cut off by the enemy or peasants as they ranged over
the country for spoil—as also because this unhappy accident in
Flanders has bereaved them of the means to maintain their army
longer in the field. So, if things be not redressed they can expect
no better than a general meeting for default of pay and a dispersion
of the whole army, some into Flanders, some elsewhere, as they shall
find best commodity to spoil.
The other three Members of Flanders have by advice from hence
sent commissioners to see if they can do any good with the Walloons,
and have deputed others to their fellow-members and neighbours of
Ghent, and to Duke Casimir, who has incurred general blame for
entering into this cause, letting both plainly understand that so far
from approving these proceedings, they are resolved neither to
meddle nor make further in their cause than shall be approved by
the Prince and Estates. And although they have received as little
comfort from those of Holland, Zealand, this town and Brussels,
upon whose conjunction they greatly depended, and have besides this
last week lost their hold of Arras, now at the devotion of M. de
Capres—the 15 men that had imprisoned their magistrates being by
him apprehended, four of the chief executed, the rest prisoners, the
magistrates released and the garrison expelled, to the great disadvantage
of the Gauntois with whom they had good intelligence—yet
all this works so far no change of humour in them.
To-morrow the States dispatch other commissioners to them,
whom partly requested by the Prince, partly presuming my service
there will be acceptable to her Majesty, I have determined to accompany.
And to bring them the sooner to reason, it has been advised
that this town, Brussels, Lierre, Bois-de-duc, and other towns
should also send deputies, which they have accordingly done. The
States have also sent to the Duke of Alençon and those of Hainault
and Artois, to divert them from joining the Walloons.—Antwerp,
5 Nov. 1578.
P.S.—Of the progress of our camp, their removing from beside
Gemblours on Thursday or Friday last, we have yet no certain news.
They meant to take their way to Diest, but the enemy, we hear, has
reinforced it with 12 companies of foot and some horse ; so they
must be fain to alter that resolution.
Draft. Endd. 1¾ pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 12.]
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Nov. 5.
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353. DAVISON to the SECRETARIES.
Identical with the last but an additional P.S.
I have delivered the 64,000 guilders remaining in my hands upon
the contract with Spinola, into the hands of the Prince and Council of
State, according to your direction ; having their promise that the
whole should either be consigned into the hands, or employed upon
the forces, of Duke Casimir, who have, as the Prince tells me, ere
now received it. Of the whole sum there was £400 2s. which
Spinola made a difficulty about delivering because his particular
obligations, through the fault as it would seem of the clerk, came so
much short of the £12,120 4s. ; as appears by the abstract which
I have had drawn by a notary and send herewith. Which sum the
Prince and Council insisting upon (their great necessity making
them unable to forbear it), I was fain to promise by my bond, that
Spinola should either have his obligation supplied from her
Majesty, or that I would myself reimburse it within 2 months.
Wherein I beseech you I may be indemnified, the matter being
else like to lie on my shoulders. Before delivering the money I got
the particular obligations of this town for the £45,000 before disbursed ;
which I hold with the general bonds. At Ghent I am
promised the like of that town, Bruges, and Brussels and the rest
on my return. Meantime I should be glad to know whether I
should send them over or keep them here.
Add. Holograph. Endd. by L. Tomson. 2 pp. [Holl. and
Fl. X. 13.]
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Nov. 5.
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354. DAVISON to BURGHLEY.
Identical with that to Leicester.
Add. Endd. by Burghley's secretary. 1 p. [Ibid. X. 14.]
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Nov. 5.
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355. The STATES-GENERAL to CERTAIN TOWNS[?].
Whereas the ambassador of England has on various occasions
requested us to deliver to him your obligations for £45,000 sterling
lent us by her Majesty for our resistance to the enemy, and has so
far received none from you, and whereas he has again besought us
to have it drawn up according to the tenour of the obligation which
those of Antwerp have given to her Majesty for the sum aforesaid,
whereof a copy goes herewith ; we hope that you will give him and
her Majesty full satisfaction.—Antwerp, 5 Nov. 1578. By order of
the States-General.
Copy. Flemish. 1 p. [Ibid. X. 15.]
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