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Oct. 1.
Jamaica. |
465. Governor Hunter to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Has sent duplicates and now sends triplicate of letter of 18th Sept. Continues:—I have since received information that the sloop commanded by one Neal Walker and which was fitted out before my arrival from Port Antonio by order of the South Sea Factors here, in order to go and search for the President of Panama and other State prisoners who were cut loose upon a raft and drove away from the Spanish wreck, did instead of following the orders given them go directly to the said wreck and fish up a great deal of money and treasure from the same, and afterwards have shar'd and divided the same among themselves in a private and clandestine manner, and having also reced. information that from the time the Experiment Capt. Redish left the wreck untill the time the Tryall Capt. Laws got there to guard her, there had been other vessels in a clandestine manner fishing upon her, and that part of the treasure had been landed in remote parts and there concealed and secreted; all which informations I immediately communicated to the Council, and with their advice issu'd a proclamation for the apprehending all such persons and securing what treasure they may have brought from the wreck in order that the strictest justice in my power may be done to His Catholick Majesty and those interes'd in that ship. Admiral Stewart having sent the Tryall and Experiment a second time to guard the wreck and assist Don Guerall the Captain of her in fishing up and saving what treasure they could, I am to inform your Lordships that the Tryall return'd two days ago with Don Guerall having fish'd up and brought from the said wreck a good deal of treasure etc. Encloses account of particulars transmitted to him by Admiral Stewart, who has taken the same into his custody etc. So soon as Don Guerall is recover'd from his present indisposition, he intends to send the Tryall again with him to the wreck, having in the mean time order'd the Experiment to remain at the wreck to prevent any more roberys. Signed, Ro. Hunter. Endorsed, Recd. 4th, Read 12th Jan., 1730/1. 2½ pp. Enclosed, |
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465. i. Proclamation by Governor Hunter, St. Jago de la Vega, the 26th Sept., 1730, for the arrest of persons who have been taking treasure from the Spanish man of war Genoese, wrecked on the Point Pedro shoals etc. Signed, Ro. Hunter. Endorsed, Recd. 4th Jan., 1730–31. Copy. 2 pp. |
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465. ii. Account of the treasure brought from the wreck (Genoese) on board H.M.S. Tryall. [C.O. 137, 19. ff. l-3v., 4v.–5v.] |
Oct. 1.
Jamaica. |
466. Governor Hunter to the Duke of Newcastle. Duplicate of preceding covering letter, mutatis mutandis. Signed, Ro. Hunter. Endorsed, R. 2nd Jan. 2¾ pp. Enclosed, |
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466. i. Triplicate of letter of Sept. 19th (dated 18th). |
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466. ii., iii. Duplicates of preceding enclosures. [C.O. 137, 53. ff. 261–265, 267, 268, 268v.] |
Oct. 1.
Windsor
Castle. |
467. H.M. Commission appointing Thomas Broughton Lt. Governor of South Carolina. Countersigned, Holles Newcastle. Copy. [C.O. 324, 36. pp. 239, 240; and 324, 49, p. 64; and 324, 50. pp. 88, 89.] |
Oct. 3.
Antigua. |
468. Lt. General Mathew to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Encloses duplicates of last letter, and sends to Mr. Yeamans to be presented to the Board an act of Montserat for naturalizing John Lindesay, a duplicate of the last Antigua tax act, an act for payment for slaves executed for treasons, murders or felonys, minutes of Council of Antigua, 26th Jan., to 11 June, 1730, and duplicate of the Minutes of Montserat Council from 24th Jan., to 2nd June, 1730. Continues:—Mr. Dunbar, Surveyor General of H.M. Customs has drawn up a state of the English Sugar Colonys, with respect to the trade of the Northern Colonys Surinam and the French Islands and has made therein his observations on the vast increase of strength among our neighbours, the disadvantages the English sugar planters now labour under, and the fatal dangers they are exposed to, on a rupture with France, and he proposes remedys for these evils. This he desires I will lay before your Lordships, praying your consideration of it, and that you will recommend it to His Majesty and His Ministry etc. I therefore enclose it herewith, and find it answers several of the enquirys I was called upon for answers to etc. Signed, William Mathew. Endorsed, Recd. 8th March, 1730/1, Read 25th July, 1733. Holograph. 1¾ pp. Enclosed, |
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468. i. The Present State of the British Sugar Colonys in South America and of the Trade of the Northern Colonys on the Continent to and from the French Sugar Islands and Surinam considered. [? By Mr. Dunbar. v. preceding]. In regard to the welfare of the Brittish Colonys and consequently of the revenue of Great Britain, and its manufactures, I have been at some small pains in searching out the fatal causes, of the declining condition of those colonys, which with the greatest concern, I have beheld gradually decay whilst our neighbours the Dutch and French have improved and advanced their sugar settlements, to the flourishing state they are now visibly in etc. (i) Trade between the Northern Colonies and the Dutch settlements in Surinam. Statement of case similar to that of Representation of Antigua. C.S.P. Nov. 17, 1731. Continues:—(ii) By the 5th and 6th Articles of the Treaty of Peace and Neutrality, 1686 etc. (which would be more effectually observed, if it were provided that some share of the seizure should be to the informer and captor, whereas the whole now goes to the King) all British and French vessells are mutually prohibited from approaching each others settlements etc. Our Northern traders, to evade the force of that Treaty etc., procure qualifications from Cape Breton, and pass thereunder as French bottoms etc., and so furnish the French Sugar Colonys with lumber, provisions etc., or obtain permissions from the French General of Martinique to considerable numbers of New England vessells, annually to load in the French islands melasses (a commodity there of very little value) for the Northern Colonys. (iii) Thus do our Northern traders carry on a considerable trade with the Dutch and French settlements in South America, from whence in return they export melass, and other commoditys of the product of those settlements, and likewise great quantitys of commoditys of the product and manufacture of Europe, which trade in general tho very advantageous to themselves, as well as the French and Dutch Settlements, yet is most injurious and destructive to the British Sugar Colonys, the manufactures of Great Britain, its revenue, and the fair trader etc. By a computation I have made from the Books of Customs of Antigua, about 10,000 hhds. of rum appears to be annually made in that island, containing one million of gallons or thereabouts, and which at a moderate price may yield one year with with another about 16d. per gall., or 66,666l. 13s. 4d. But if the Northern trade of exporting from the French and Dutch settlements melass (a commodity improvable and distilled into rum in the Northern Colonys) be continued, it would unavoidably reduce the price at least 1/6th or 1/7th to 12d. or 13d. per gall., so that there would be sunk in Antigua annually 16,666l. 13s. 4d.; and a similar amount in Nevis, St. Christophers and Montserat, who now are improving much in distilling, and in Barbados, so long and well setled and improved in distilling and all other branches of Plantation affairs, 20,000l. etc. So that Barbados and the Leeward Islands will be injured in the price of their rum, by this destructive trade at least annually 53,333l. 6s. 8d. etc. The encouragement the Northern traders receive by the sale of their lumber, provisions, horses etc. to the French and Dutch, which the improvement of their Plantations want as much as ours do, enhances the prices thereof in our Sugar Colonys at least 1/3 or ¼, and as these supplys are the most considerable incidents in the annual expence of their plantations (negroes excepted), without which they cannot be carried on etc., computes loss to Barbados at 20,000l. annually and to the Leeward Islands 30,000l. etc. At the same time the French and Dutch Settlements vend their melass which they would otherwise lose, for to still it into rum is not worth their while. They expend but little in their Colonys, and to send it into France would not pay the freight, having their own brandys there. Nor could Surinam as a Sugar Colony subsist without the horses from New England, nor the French as a Sugar Colony in their islands without New England lumber, such as staves, hoops and beading especially, consequently little sugar could be made among them, at least not in the vast quantitys that at present glutt the European marketts and render our own sugars vendible only in Great Britain and Ireland, and from the supplys they have from Ireland directly of beef and other provisions they chiefly support themselves in Martenica and Guadaloupe, without which 'twould be impossible to subsist the vast numbers they are now encreased to and daily increasing whence must be apprehended the imminent unavoidable and fatal loss of these islands in case of a warr etc. If they got such supplies from anywhere else, their sugar making and subsisting would be too expensive to allow their underselling the English at the European marketts etc., and thus London would become the sugar mart of Europe, an advantage the value of which cannot but be thought immence, even to Great Britain as well as to the Sugar Colonys, and from wants of such supplys of provisions in the French Islands, their numbers of men of lowest degree (that nursery of pirates and privateers) must disperse to Canada or elsewhere, where provisions may be had for them, and thus remove in a great measure the irresistible power the Sugar Leeward Islands (most especially) are on the first breaking out of a new warr with France, exposed to. The evils attending this pernicious trade do not rest and fall on the Sugar Colonys only, but even touch sencibly the trade and manufactures as well as the revenue of Great Britain etc. [for] all manner of European goods are extreemly cheap in the French and Dutch settlements, etc., and as the officers of the Customs are stationed at considerable distances on the main of America, it is impracticable to prevent the clandestine importation thereof pernicious to Great Britain and its revenue, and manifestly tending to the discouragemt. of the trade and manufactures of that Kingdom especially seeing that any person permitted to trade in the French and Dutch settlements are allowed to buy and ship off what European goods and manufactures they please. This supply of European commoditys to the Northern Plantations from the French and Dutch is in return for the lumber and horses they are thus permitted to carry to Surinam and the French Islands, and would fail them, and force them to take these supplys from Great Britain, if their trade thither was wholy restrained, and for this purpose, allmost the same shipping would be employ'd etc. (iv) I come now to consider the fatal consequences the Irish supplys to the French Sugar Settlements by way of France and directly from Ireland are of to the British Sugar Colonys. Results similar to those arising from supplies from Northern Colonies etc. Continues:—But another great evil is the weakning the Kingdom from whence the very trade itself proceeds. This already has been made pretty clearly appear from the numbers, and many familys that have been already obliged to desert that Kingdom, where that trade has thrust all industry and husbandry out of doors, such as plowing, sowing, reaping, thrashing etc., and reduced the poorer sort to perishing, for want of bread, insomuch that even the Protestants, and many of them gray-headed in their old age, have been obliged to abandon their native country, from whence it can be no idle conjecture, to conclude that that Kingdom must be very much depopulated, and may be rendred in case of any foreign invasion or unnatural rupture in Great Britain, very defenceless, if not timely prevented by encouraging such as remain, to follow their wonted husbandry etc. Remedies proposed. (i) That the export, of horses, lumber and provisions from the Northern Colonys, to the Dutch and French Settlements, as well as the importation of melass and rum from thence into the said Colonys, be absolutely prohibited, for that the very small or rather pretended advantages our navigation raaps therefrom, is so very inconsiderable, that it does not counterbalance 1/20th part of the loss sustained by sinking the dutys on the European goods in Great Britain and the injurys the British Sugar Islands thereby suffer etc. (ii) As there is no law that prohibits the importation of commoditys of the product of foreign settlements into our northern and southern colonys (when in free bottoms), or which subjects them to the payment of any duty, therefore as the product of the British sugar colonys pay both the 4½ p.c. duty, and the enumerated duty, I humbly conceive that dutys at least equivalent to those of our own, ought to be imposed on the product of the French and Dutch Settlements when imported into our British Colonys in America, then trade would be upon a more equal footing in those parts etc., but still the importation of foreign melasses and rum ought to be intirely prohibited, and as the trade of exporting from the French and Dutch Settlements, commoditys of their product to our Northern Colonys is most discourageing and pernicious, to the British Sugar Islands in general, nothing can so effectually prevent the continuance of the bad effects thereof to those islands, as the imposing high dutys on such foreign product when carried into our Northern Colonys, and small dutys, if imported into our Southern, since our own produce pay two considerable dutys vizt. the 4½ p.c. duty when shipd to Great Britain, and both the 4½ p.c. and enumerated dutys when shipd to our Northern Settlements in America. I apprehend an objection may naturally arise to prohibiting melass etc., that it will put the French and Dutch Colonys under the necessity of improving it themselves etc. But Nants and Provencal brandy is so very cheap in the French and Dutch colonys, and withall esteemed a better spirit, that it is not worth their pains and expence to improve their melass into rum etc. Besides, the policy and wisdom of the French Government will never allow any of the produce of its colonys to interfere with the mother-kingdom, and as distilling of brandys employs a vast number of hands, and is a considerable article of the produce of France, it cannot be feared that the improvement of their melasses will at all hurt us, and either a prohibition, or a high duty on foreign rum, in the British Dominions and Colonys, will effectually suppress any ill effects, that can attend either the French, or Dutch, attempting to improve melasses into rum. As I apprehend that proposing a prohibition in generall on the importation of the product of foreign settlements (tho' of the same kind with our own) cither in the Northern or Southern Colonys in America might probably be lookt upon as destructive to trade, navigation and the revenue, (tho' it was not so at the making of the Treaty of 1686) I therefore would propose the continuance of the importation of such species, on payment of certain dutys, rather than a total prohibition of them, if that most valuable advantage to the Sugar Colonys, of a total prohibition cannot be obtained. Submits a scheme of proposed dutys on imports from foreign settlements into the Sugar and Northern Colonies, equivalent to the 4½ p.c. and enumerated duties on the produce of British colonies. Continues:—I will not pretend that Jamaica will be equally benefitted with Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands, because the nature of its soil produces more and better sugar, and less melass and rum etc., but the expence of lumber and provisions annually consumed in that island will come cheaper etc. It may be ask'd, why the product of foreign settlements should pay higher dutys in the Northern, than in the Southern Colonys etc. Such commoditys when imported into the Southern Colonys, are generally (except melass and rum) reshipt from thence to Great Britain, but when imported into the Northern Colonys, they are consumed by the inhabitants there, or ship'd to foreign marketts. In the first of which cases the British dutys come to be answered and paid and the Navigation at the same time greatly assisted and encouraged. But in the latter those dutys are intirely lost, and the Navigation of Great Britain likewise very much discouraged and impair'd. (iii) Lastly, to compleat the recovery of the British Sugar Colonys from their present languishing condition, as well as to provide in some measure for the safety of our Leeward Islands, by discouraging the vast increase of inhabitants, in Martenica and Guardaloupe, of which a judgment may be formed from their overflowing into the English, or neutral islands of Sta. Lucia and Dominica, on the first of which arc not fewer than 400 men, and on the latter 300, all within four or five years, gone thither to settle, all well armed, and all French, not a mixt rabble of vagabonds, but mostly with their familys, and tho' these extendings of the French are hid, under the pretext of their having no Governours, or setled Government there, is it hard to conceive how easily and how suddenly officers may be commissioned, and sent to command them, and make good their present possessions, of these islands? I apprehend etc. there will appear an absolute necessity to propose that the exportation of beef and other provisions from Ireland to France and the French Colonys be intirely prohibited, a matter of the greatest importance and consequence to the British Sugar Colonys in general, as well as to Great Britain and its manufactures in particular etc. Without our constant supply of provisions, the French settlements could not subsist etc., and our Sugar Colonys must thereupon flourish, and be encouraged to make and sell their product better, and cheaper, than either of our now powerfull rivals the French or Dutch could, and in a few years be capable of producing not only vastly more annual species, but allso consume considerable quantitys more of British manufactures, than they have ever yet done, besides which the trade to Affrica in a great measure depending on the prosperity of our Sugar Colonys, will be hereby considerably augmented, and our Sugar Islands better slav'd, none of which (Barbadoes excepted) being yet much above half supplyed with negros, the manufactures and revenue of Great Britain and its Colonys will be improved and encreased. To which advantages may be added, that in a few years it is more than probable, that our French neighbours would be obliged to abandon their Windward settlements, and Great Britain consequently become allmost sole master of the sugar trade, without any expensive expeditions gain such a vast branch of rich commerce. But it may be objected, that if the French should be obliged to desert their Windward settlements, on accot. of the decay of their product there, they will remove to Hispaniola, a much larger island, part of which being already setled by them, they will become still more considerable and formidable, in that island, than they were in their Windward settlements. To which I answer, that it is not possible for any of the Sugar Settlements in America to be improved and carried on effectually without the assistance of Irish provisions, as well as lumber from our Northern Colonys, which being once prohibited to be carry'd to the French settlements, will effectually prevent their ever being considerable even at Hispaniola. It's true at present there are vast numbers of wild cattle in that large island which may be thought sufficient to supply the want of provisions from other parts. But it is found by experience that the present advantages thereof, will not continue or be sufficient, especially if their settlements be enlarged etc., the wild cattle will be reduced partly by slaughter and partly by labour, and after a few years 'tis very probable that island would be as Jamaica and Barbadoes, as well as our Leeward Islands are, under the necessity of having constant annual supplys of Irish provision, without which none of them can subsist, neither indeed can they without the great supplys of lumber from the northward etc. Both our and the French settlements were in their infancy over-run, and spread with wild cattle. But soon after they became setled the superabundance thereof decreased, and now they are such chargable articles in the incidents of our Plantation charges that one yoke of working cattle is worth from 30l. to 40l. in Barbadoes, and the Leeward Islands, to which may be added that slaughtering of cattle in the West Indies is impracticable, so as to save or preserve them, it being found that they will not keep, but taint and decay very suddenly, besides there would be a necessity of thinning that island of these wild cattle, that proper quantitys of land, might be set apart for cultivation by the hoe, and planting of canes etc., and that they should ever prove formidable or powerfull against us cannot be reasonably supposed, if we do but deny them our own supplys of Irish and Northern provisions etc. Continues:—None can well pretend to be hurt by this prohibition, but the Irish grazier, and French sugar planter, or perhaps, our Northern trader. And can the Irish grazier expect to be cherished at the expence of dispeopling his nation, banishing and ruining numbers of familys of husbandmen there, or can he or the northern trade reasonably expect to be permitted to enjoy any branch of trade advantageous to themselves only and the foreign settlements, but most destructive and ruinous to the British Sugar Colonys, as well as most injurious to Great Britain. Surely no. Suggests that the Government might make an allowance for the Irish graziers until the great wilds of pasture can be improved by the plough etc., whilst the Northern Colonies should be encouraged to produce Naval Stores etc., with the usual arguments in favour of that policy. Computes the profits of the Northern Colonies in supplying lumber to the Dutch and French at not more than 2000l. current per annum, as against the 100,000l. damage done annually to the English Colonies. This and the employment of shipping for this purpose need not be lost, if they will further pursue with these commodities the Portugal, Spanish and Italian trades. Continues:—I own they lose by not importing the melass they get so cheap among foreigners, but that trade is so contraband, or ought so to be, that I need urge no more on it etc. Proposes, as a further help to the Sugar Colonys, that they may be allowed to transport their improved clayed sugars directly to the Streights etc. By this means we might dispose of large quantitys in Spain, at Leghorn and other parts of Italy etc., and to Turkey, which would help to pay the ballance of the currans, raisons and other fruits, we have from thence. Their new improvement of trade, prejudicial to none except only to the French Sugar Colonys, would enable us to enlarge our sugar plantations, and not only to vye with the French in foreign marketts, but in time to undersell and exclude them, as wee formerly did the Portuguese in their produce from Brazil, the like indulgence being granted by the French King some years past to his subjects etc. Likewise the Northern Colonys may be permitted to carry naval stores and lumber into the Mediterranean, but obliged to return to the respective ports they belong to, by way of Great Britain under proper clearances etc. |
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Refers to Mr. Gee's similar proposal in his treatise On the Trade and Navigation of Great Britain etc. Endorsed as covering letter. 8? closely written pp. [C.O. 152, 19. ff. 158, 159, 159v., 163–167, 168v.] |
| Oct. 6. |
469. Mr. Leheup to Mr. Popple. Mr. Walpole has received certain advices from Barbadoes that Thomas Maycock, one of the Council, is dead etc. Requests that John Ashley, Depty. Audr., may be recommended to succeed him, "agreable to the Minute entered in his behalf." Signed, Peter Leheup. Endorsed, Recd., Read 6th Oct., 1730. 1 p. [C.O. 28, 21. ff. 78, 79v.] |
Oct. 6.
Whitehall. |
470. Mr. Popple to Mr. Walpole. Encloses copy of Govr. Worsley's letter, "wherein he makes some objections to the appointment of Mr. Ashley, of the Council of Barbados; if you think, his objections are of no weight, my Lords intend to propose Mr. Ashley according to their former resolution; You will therefore please to favour me with your answer" etc. [C.O. 29, 15. p. 211.] |
| Oct. 6. |
471. Mr. Fane to the Council of Trade and Plantations. In obedience to commands of 4th June (q.v.), has considered an act of S. Carolina for the better settleing of the Courts of Justice, 1726, part of which act which alters the first process in civil actions from a summons to a capias the merchts. represent to be lyable to many inconveniences both with regard to the method of proceeding and the expence of it. For they say by reason of the frequent absence of the inhabitants in their trade with the Indians and the distance they live from Charles Town, it will be almost impossible to bring a defendant into Court but by leaving a summons at the place of his abode. And they say the expence upon this alteration from a summons to a capias will be greatly encreased etc. In our law process a summons is always supposed to be made in the first instance and therefore I can have no objection to the instituting in this case the summons instead of the capias supposing it is the least expensive way of proceeding and the most speedy to obtain justice. But I must submit it to your Lordships' consideration in what manner this can be altered, for this is a clause in an act, the other parts of which the merchants very much approve off, and therefore are unwilling to have it repealed. Whether your Lordships would think it of that consequence to recommend it to the Governor to endeavour to get it amended by a subsequent act. Signed, Fran. Fane. Endorsed, Recd. 4th Nov. 1730, Read 24th March, 1730/1. 1½ pp. [C.O. 5, 362. ff. 13, 13v., 16v.] |
Oct. 6.
Boston. |
472. Col. Dunbar to Mr. Popple. Since my last of the 15th of September such very extraordinary proceedings have happend here that I thought there was an absolute necessity to send home the bearer my brother etc. to represent matters to my Lords Commissioners etc. with copys of all my letters etc. I am very uneasy until I hear ye issue of the armed force sent by this Governmt. to break up the settlement at Fredericksfort, that place can defend itselfe against a thousand men without cannon, and if any violence be offered to the people, I dread the consequences. I told Governour Belcher soe, but his proceedings were so private that I knew nothing of it until the vessel and men in armes were sent away etc. P.S. Encloses "votes of the General Court to shew their continued opposition to the King's instruction for fixing a sallary on the Governour." Endorsed, Recd. 8th, Read 10th Nov., 1730. Holograph. 1¾ pp. [C.O. 5, 871. ff. 222, 222v., 232v.] |
Oct. 7
ten o'clock
Wednesday
morning. |
473. Same to Jeremiah Dunbar. Just now Captain Woodside who commands ye Fort on Saco River came to me, and told me he came directly from the Leiutenant Governour, who ordered him to repair to his post, for that he and the 4 Boston Members were ordered as a Committee to go in the Province sloop to take a view of the fortifications; that the Province sloop was fitting out for them and 5 guns put on board; the Leit. Governour said in Capt. Woodsides hearing, that they were goeing to take possession of their own Governmt. againe, and that as he came from St. Georges he wd. call in at Pemaquid; One of those who are named to go in the sloop (for they are all chosen) told Woodsides that this view of ye Fortifications is onely a pretence to take Fredericksfort, and to use the people ill; What can I do in this case? when I am commanded by my Lords Commrs. for Trade to avoyd any dispute with these people; their Lordships say nothing of any part of that country being under this Governmt., and ye disputes relate onely to the private property of ye lands, wch. was not determined by H.M.; if I was settled at Penobscot or beyond it, I am ordered upon any occasion to apply to Governour Philips, as being under his Governmt., and so is all the lands as far as Kennebeck, as I was instructed at the Board of Trade, notwithstanding wch. Mr. Belcher and this people claim all as far as St. Croix. In this case I know not what to doe, I have noe power or comission to make resistance, and these people know my orders not to have any dispute wth. them, which they impudently construe to be from the fears the Ministry have to disoblige them; I never had a stronger inclination in all my life than to go imediately down to Fredericksfort, and if I doe I must either be affronted or come to blows with a people who are as ripe for rebellion as their ancestors in 41, if this does not prove so I will submit to be hanged etc. Intends to consult the King's Advocate and Attorney General etc. He only desires an authority, without any assistance but the new settlers to defend himself etc. Requests his brother to communicate this to the Secretary of State and Lords of Trade to express an imediate answer; ships often arrive there in January. Concludes:—C. Woodsides tells me that the story about seizing ye scooner was done on purpose to get a pretence of quarrelling, for yt. she was ordered to bring away staves and timber cutt by the people of Fredericksfort, and to quit the vessel if any one claiming the staves should go on board etc. Signed, David Dunbar. Endorsed, Recd, (from Mr. Jer. Dunbar), Read 11th Nov., 1730. 2½ pp. [C.O. 5, 871. ff. 224–225v.; and 217, 38. No. 26.] |
Oct. 7.
Boston. |
474. Governor Belcher to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Refers to letter of 24th Aug. Continues:—Since which I have been at New Hampshire and publisht H.M. Commission there, and convened the General Assembly, who in about 10 days went thro' such affairs as were most necessary for H.M. service and the good of that Province. They have more especially settled a salary on me, pursuant to H.M. Instruction, and in a much handsomer and more dutyfull manner then they did it on my predecessor. I have order'd the Clerk of the Council to transmit me the several Acts past at this short session, which I shall cover to your Lordships pr. the next conveyance. Agreable to my last I met the General Assembly of this Province the 9th of last month from which time they are sitting to this day, and have got thoro' the most material affairs that lay before them, except their complyance with H.M. 27 Instruction for settling a salary on me and my successors which I have prest on them in the strongest terms, in support of H.M. honour and the better to secure the dependance of this Province on the mother Kingdome and altho' it is a season of the year when their private affairs call for their being at their several homes, yet I shall keep them sitting till they give a conclusive answer to this grand article and am glad to tell yr. Lordships that I have a prospect of their making a dutyfull and reasonable return to the proposal in the Instruction, altho' they should not come up to the full terms of the close of it, yet nothing shall be wanting in me to bring 'em as farr as possible, For I am resolved to discharge myself with the greatest fidelity to H.M. in the most strict and inviolable observance of my Commission and Instructions. I believe this session may end in about 10 days when I shall do myself the honour to transmit to yr. Lordships every thing that may relate to it; I now remain with great esteem and respect etc. Signed, J. Belcher. Endorsed, Recd., Read 11th Nov., 1730. 1¾ pp. [C.O. 5, 871. ff. 226, 226v., 227v.] |
| Oct. 7. |
475. Memorial of loss sustained by James Mills, late Carpenter of the ship Dolphin, bound from Barbados to London, and captured off Barbados by a Spanish privateer, 10th June, 1728. Signed and sworn by, James Mills. Endorsed, Recd. 26th Oct., 1730. 1 2/3 pp. Enclosed, |
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475. i. Account of loss referred to in preceding. 1 p. [C.O. 388, 92. Nos. 3, 3.i.] |
Oct. 7.
Whitehall. |
476. Mr. Popple to Mr. Hintze. Reply to Sept. 14th. The 120l. was an allowance for 4 months, in which time it was always expected the service might have been finished etc. Continues:— As their Lordships have not hitherto received any satisfactory account of your proceeding in this matter, they can by no means think of recommending you to the Treasury for any further allowance, until it shall appear to them by authentick certyficates from the Governor of Nova Scotia that considerable numbers of foreign Protestants have been induced by you to land and settle there. [C.O. 218, 2. pp. 219, 220.] |
Oct. 8.
Windsor Castle. |
477. Mr. Delafaye to Mr. Popple. Calls attention to the defenceless condition of Jamaica, which Governor Hunter imputes in great measure to the number of Irish papists residing there. Suggests that, "in addition to the measures which by H.M. great goodness to that Colony, are now taking for their security," the Act to prevent dangers that may arise from disguised as well as declared Papists may now be passed etc. Signed Ch. Delafaye. Endorsed, Recd. 9th, Read 13th Oct., 1730. 1¾ pp. [C.O. 137, 18. ff 108, 108v., 109v.] |
Oct. 8.
Whitehall. |
478. Council of Trade and Plantations to the Duke of Newcastle. Since our last letter (Sept. 29th) etc., Our Secretary has received a paper from a correspondent which probably contains a more perfect and judicious account of the present disorders in Jamaica, than may yet have come to your Grace's hands. In the mean time we cannot help expressing our satisfaction at the resolution we understand H.M. has taken of sending two Regiments from Gibraltar to Jamaica, as they are very much wanted there, we doubt not but your Grace will be pleased to obtain H.M. speedy order for their dispatch thither. [C.O. 138, 17. pp. 293, 294; and (with paper enclosed) 137, 47. ff.56, 57–60.] |
Oct. 8.
Portmo.
N. England. |
479. Lt. Governor Wentworth to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Begins with duplicate of April 2nd. Continues:— Governor Belcher is arrived, and has been in this Province etc., and we have settled the sallery of 200l. sterling or 600l. pr. annum of this currancy during his administration, and don by the same intrest that Govr. Burnets was. That gentleman found that the laboureing here lay upon the Lieut. Governour, that is the expensive part, for that the Governour resides in Boston, and only conies once or twice a year, and stayes a week or ten dayes some times more, receives his sallary, and then to Boston, so that the burthen is verry heavey, on me that serves for nothing. Now Govr. Burnet allowed me 200l. of this currancy out of his 600l. to help me along for all the other perqui[si]tes is a very small matter, it is very discoraging still to spend upon my owne estate, which I have don for this thirteen years past, that I have had the honour to serve the Crown as Lt. Governour, and this I have don willingly and cherfully still in hopes that something will be don for me, and that your Lordships will be pleased to recomend me so as that I may not allways feed upon my selfe untill I have consumed my little substance. We have had some considerable spoyle made on the fine trees since Collo. Dunbar's officers came to the country, but I can't impute that to any neglect of thers, I think they have been very dilligent etc., but charge it on some vile fellows that neither fear God nor honour the King, but sculk into the woods and there cutt and destroy for two or three dayes and then draw of again. There have been some of the vile fellows taken and have and are suffering the penalties of the law etc. Will do everything to help Col. Dunbar etc. Signed, Jno. Wentworth. Endorsed, Recd. 14th Dec, 1730, Read 10th Feb., 1730/1. Holograph. 1¾ pp. [C.O. 5, 872. ff. 14, 14v., 15v.] |
