Cecil Papers: June 1595 ,16-30 | British History Online

Pages 246-264

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 5, 1594-1595. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1894.

Citation:

June 1595, 16–30



	George Goring to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 16.	I have sent my Lord Treasurer a brief of all my father's lands at an improved rent, with the encumbrances upon it, as rent charges, dowries, annuities, statutes and lands assured upon eviction; so as no man can buy it with any good title until I join in the sale. Besides, the statute is thought not of force in my case, to give power to her Majesty to sell the accountant's heir's lands, yet if it be sold Her Majesty can sell but such land as my father died seised of in fee simple, and the lands after sale shall be subject still to the encumbrances. Therefore, I have offered to have all the lands extended to the uttermost value, as well that land I was joint purchaser of before my father was officer [receiver-general of the coast of Wards], and so not liable to the debt, as also my mother's third; and I to pay my mother's third, and annuities to other persons besides, out of a poor estate that now I thank my good friends I have of my own. Be pleased to move my Lord Treasurer to give my matter to an end this term; you can guess at my fear.—This 16 June, 1595.
	Holograph. 1 p. (29. 126.)
	John Harpur to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 16.	Upon letters received from the Lord Treasurer and Lord Keeper I was commanded to make my indelayed repair to the Master of the Rolls, who at my coming to London was at his house in the country. Thereupon, by direction from my Lord Keeper, I did attend Mr. Attorney-General, who the same night did not only examine me concerning such writings as Mistress Williamson delivered to Mr. Hacker for my Lord of Shrewsbury in my presence, but also caused me to set the whole down in writing, wherein I have manifested the plain truth to which I am ready to depose. How dangerous a thing it was and may be to me in a matter of that weight so suddenly to enter into such a discourse you can best judge; and yet how carefully I did demean myself in all my proceedings, if it please you to view my examination, it shall, I hope, well appear. Nevertheless, to my exceeding grief, I hear her Highness is greatly displeased with me, from whom if by the good means of your father and yourself I receive no mercy, I know not what shall become of me; for notwithstanding the plain and true declaration of my dealings therein (which I hope are not so heinous as you were informed) I am still restrained of my liberty, and not put in any hope that her Highness is anything satisfied of the information given against me, to the great endangering of my wife, who hath been sick ever since Martlemas, and but lately little recovered, besides the loss of that poor credit I held in the country where I dwell. I beseech you to be a mean to her Highness for my enlargement; otherwise this occasion will greatly endanger the life of my wife, who, upon my receiving of their Lordships' letters, was presently in a relapse of her disease.—16 June 1595.
	Signed. ½ p. (32. 103.)
	Sir John Fortescue to Archibald Douglas.
1595, June 16.	I pray you to come to the Court to-morrow morning so that I may speak with you at 8 of the clock. At your coming you shall particularly understand her Majesty's pleasure, for my Lord Treasurer and myself are to confer with you.—This Monday, 16 of June, 1595.
	Holograph. Seal.¼ p. (32. 105.)
	Lord Burghley to the Vice-Chancellor and Heads of Colleges at Cambridge.
1595, June 16.	I have received your letters of the 12th of this month, subscribed by you, Mr. Vice-Chancellor, assisted by the subscription of eight more Masters of Colleges there. By which letters I undertand that one Mr. Barrett, of Gonville and Caius College, lately made a sermon ad clerum in the University Church, wherein he did maintain some Popish doctrine concerning the doubtfulness of our salvation, using bitter railing against Peter Martyr, Calvin, Zanchius, and others, to the great offence of the godly sort in that University, for the which he was enjoined by Dr. Soame, deputy to the Vice-Chancellor, and other Heads, according to the statute, to make open retractation, which he yielded unto, but yet uttered the same in a very unreverend manner, to the offence of a multitude in every college. Of all which you have informed me, requiring my direction as your Chancellor for the expressing of this and like offence. For answer whereunto, I confess I am very sorry to see such a scandal risen up in that quiet University, by teaching any unsound doctrine, to the offence of the Church, and a dangerous example for the consequence. And, therefore, having been made acquainted with Dr. Soame at good length with perusing of the retraction, I was glad to see so plain a recital of the revocation of the erroneous doctrine, wishing he had performed the publication thereof sincerely and simply, without showing a disposition to continue in his error. And, therefore, being acquainted with the statute of the University, in a chapter de concionibus, I find that if any do publicly within the University teach or defend anything against the religion, or any part thereof, established by public authority within this realm, he ought to revoke and publicly confess his error, at the commandment of the Chancellor, with the assent of the greater part of the Masters of Colleges, which if he shall refuse or not perform in the manner that shall be prescribed unto him, he shall be excluded perpetually out of his college and exiled the University. If I have recited the words of this statute truly, and find in the title de officio Cancellarii, that whatsoever may be done by the Chancellor may be done by the Vice-Chancellor in his absence, then I see not why you have had any need to require my advice or assistance, but that you may command Mr. Barrett, if his offence be such as is reported, to humble himself in the retractation, or otherwise you may pronounce him to be deprived of his college and exiled out of the University; and so for your further satisfaction I, as your Chancellor, assent to your proceedings. And so wishing to hear of some good charitable end herein, I do also wish you to have no like matter to require my assistance, being, as I am, daily occupied in other matters concerning the public state of the realm.—From the Court, 16 June, 1595. (136. 30.)
	Copy of Caps. 45, 42, and 32 of the Statutes of the University of Cambridge, referred to in the above letter. (136. 31.)
	Sir Horatio Palavicino to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 17.	Not gout, but strong fever, assailed him as soon as he left London; so that although he did not see the face of death, he was near enough to make his will, of which he has made Cecil protector. When it is all written, will send it; at present it is only signed provisionally. Would like to obtain from Cecil's father that the child Henrico may stay in the guardianship of his mother as long as she remains a widow, and, if she marry, pass to Cecil's guardianship. As however others might ask the guardianship directly of her Majesty, begs Cecil to acquaint his father of the writer's state and beg him to grant this gift.—Badburham, 17 June 1595.
	Signed. Italian. Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (172. 2.)
	Duke of Mayenne.
1595, June 18/28.	Petitions of the duke of Mayenne to the King of France upon his reconciliation, i.e., for a confirmation of the resolution taken between Schomberg and President Jeanyn “pour le faict de la Religion,” for four months' grace in which to acquaint his friends and relations of his intention to treat, and, thirdly, to be continued in his government of Burgundy.—Dated Challon, 28 June, 1595.
	2. The King's reply.
	French. 5 pp. (48. 16.)
	John Spencer, Lord Mayor of London, to Mr. Henry Maynard.
1595, June 19.	I am very well content for the renewing of your bond according to your desire, and will take order for the making of the new bond against the time, before it be due, and appoint the notary to wait on you.—London, this 19 June, 1595.
	Holograph. Seal.¼ p. (32. 104.)
	Richard Topclyffe to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 19.	I have waited upon all those commissioners to whom letters were directed from the Lords for examination of divers harbourers and receivers of Jesuits, &c. The Master of the Rolls, Attorney General and others had goodwill to deal thereabouts, but yet were desirous to stay till the Lord Chief Justice did come to the city. I trouble you now to know your pleasure if you have either the new or the old commissions, or if you will send either to the Lord Chief Justice, to be used in this service as in his wisdom and the residue they shall see cause, matters of some weighty service depending of their having of one of those commissions forthwith, or else the service will be delayed.—At Westminster, this Thursday, 19 June 1595.
	Holograph. 1 p. (33. 9.)
	Disorders in London.
1595, June 20.	“Touching the late disorders in London, set down the 20 of June, 1595.”
6 June 1595.	About this time a citizen, being a silkweaver, came to the Lord Mayor's house, using some hard speeches against the Lord Mayor in dispraise of his government. The Mayor said he was mad and so committeed him to Bedlam as a madman, but not then having his officers about him he sent him towards Bedlam by some of his own servants; and without Bishopsgate he was rescued by prentices and divers other to the number of about 200 or 300 persons.
	12 June. The disorder for the fish : the whipping : the proclamation.
	13 June. The disorder for the butter.
	15 June. At this day certain prentices being committed to the Counter by the constable for some misdemeanours, divers other prentices congregated themselves and came to the Counter and said they would have them forth again, using very hard speeches against the Lord Mayor; but the gates being shut against them and they not prevailing, they tarried not long but departed away.
	The same day, not long after the said assembly of prentices at the Counter, a serving man that had a prentice to his brother dwelling in Cheapside, which prentice had complained of his master's hard usage towards him to his said brother, the serving man hereupon coming to the master and quarrelling with him about the misuse of his brother, in multiplying of words the serving man brake the master's head; and by this brawl the people gathering together and much hurley burley following, Sir Richard Martin hearing thereof came forth into the street, apprehended the serving man, and by the constable sent him to the Counter. As he was in carrying thither the prentices that formerly had resorted to the Counter and would have taken thence the prentices as aforesaid, did meet with this serving man, rescued him from the constable, and brought him back to Cheapside. Whereupon Sir Richard Martin, hearing of this disorder, came forth suddenly with such company as he had of his own servants and presently apprehended the serving man again, reprehended the prentices for their so great disorder, took six of the principal offenders, and so by the constable sent the serving man and the six prentices to the Counter, and caused irons to be laid upon them all. About an hour after when all things were quiet, saving only some dregs of people remaining in the streets gazing and expecting for novelties, as in such matters always it happeneth, the Lord Mayor, hearing of the broil and business which Sir Richard Martin had appeased and not knowing thereof, comes into Cheapside, accompanied with Sir John Hart, where finding all things in quiet, Sir John Hart, accompanied with Sir Richard Martin, went again to the Counter, charging the keeper thereof to look well to his prisoners and to see irons laid upon them all and to be safely kept, and so they returned to their houses.
	The Lord Mayor likewise, after he had sent Sir Richard Martin and Sir John Hart to take order for the safe keeping of the prentices in the Counter, also presently returned towards his house, and about London Wall a prentice meeting him would not put off his cap unto him, whereupon the Lord Mayor sent him also by his officers to the Counter, which was done quietly and without opposition of any.
	16 June 1595. About the 16 or 17 of June, certain prentices and certain soldiers or masterless men met together in “Powles”, and there had conference, wherein the soldiers said to the prentices, “You know not your own strength”; and then the prentices asked the soldiers if they would assist them, and the soldiers answered that they would within an hour after be ready to aid them and be their leaders, and that they would play an Irish trick with the Lord Mayor, who should not have his head upon his shoulders within one hour after. At which time they spake of farther meeting together.
	All this was heard by a boy of 17 or 18 years, who upon his oath hath confessed it, and is appointed to repair to “Powles” again and there see if he can discover them upon their new meetings; for that he saith he is sure that he knows them if he may once again see them.
	Endorsed :—
	“1. A privy search for the stay of	1. Masterless men.
		2. Fellows naming themselves soldiers.
		3. Such as cannot give good account (1) of their abode; (2) of their ability to live.
	2. A certificate weekly to the Mayor	of all such as are either	sojourners or lodgers in their house.
	3. A double watch to continue till other order be taken	of the most substantial householders.
	4. A letter to the Lord Mayor charging him	to admonish all householders to look to his prentices and to their good demeanour, as he will answer for them.
	5. The Judges' opinion touching the punishment.	1. In the Star Chamber to proceed against them.
		2. By fine, imprisonment, and corporal punishment, not touching life or member.
	6. The cause of these inconveniences.	1. The great number of loose persons about the city pretending and naming themselves soldiers.
		2. The great dearth of victual.
		3. The remiss care of the magistrate in time to have remedied the same.
	The Mayor charged with	1. Insatiable avarice.
		2. Selling and converting offices to his own gain.
		3. Suffering those officers to be negligent.
		4. Refusing to bear or join with his brethren.”
	Endorsed also :—“Disorders in London, with advices for redress.” (32. 106.)
	2½ pp.
	Lord Lumley to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 21.	Prays his favourable futherance on behalf of Mr. Watson, the Queen's chaplain, towards his preferment in this time that so many 'dividences' are in hand, by disposing of ecclesiastical promotions, and now increased by the last bishop of Winchester.—From Nonsuch, 21 June, 1595.
	Signed. ½ p. (32. 108.)
	The Earl of Lincoln to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 21.	As I conceived by your speeches at the Court that some haste was required of my departure, I have remained here hitherto to provide accordingly, with all the haste I could, those things that be necessary for so long a journey as this is like to be for me, that am neither able to endure long journeys by land nor to continue long upon the seas. I am now therefore to require your furtherance of such things as may be occasion of my stay longer than otherwise I should. First, for a warrant for such imprest as in so long and chargeable a journey shall be thought fit; for order for good shipping to Brille, or further, if I find myself able to brook the seas without danger of my life; to know, if it please you, what company of gentlemen her Majesty will appoint and who they be; and whether it may stand with her pleasure that I may take shipping at Boston, which is a shorter cut for me to pass into Brille or Flushing than from hence, and a great case to an old man that is sickly to avoid the travail of riding down post and hither again : then, that I may know when I shall attend to receive instructions of her Majesty's pleasure in all things, which my desire is to have in writing, and of whom I shall require the same; praying you to comfort and favour me in my plain and simple course of proceedings more than others do with your loving advice.—This 21st of June, 1595.
	Holograph. 1 p. (32. 109.)
	William Wayte to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 21.	Thanks for his great favour. His adversary and himself are at a point for the execution he laid upon him before Cecil's commandment; only stays to conclude with him until he may by his commandment be ready to be discharged without further molestation, lest he be out of his money and remain nevertheless in prison still. Prays direction accordingly to his keeper and the baily.—21 June, 1595.
	Signed. Seal. ½ p. (33. 1.)
	Sir Robert Cecil to Nicholas Williamson.
1595, June 21.	Williamson, he that kept you told me of great penitence in you and desire to do that which might shew you some way disposed in things of inferior nature, though you cannot in greater; he hath told me many particulars, but confusedly. If you be disposed to confirm anything, write them to me clearly and plainly without long circumstances, as you did speak to him; and do not use that phrase, that you could or can lay many things open, but do it, and write it clearly. He doth tell me that you say you can, and therefore let me see it so written as may shew your open heart. It may happily work some grace, for so doth your keeper that was desire it may. Return this back with your own if you write.
	Holograph, and addressed by Cecil : “For Nycholas Wylliamson, prisoner in the Tower of London.”
	Endorsed :—“21 June 1595.” 1 p. (33. 84.)
	Nicholas Williamson to the Attorney General [Coke].
1595, June 21.	My desire to satisfy all demands may appear by my answers from the beginning to every interrogatory, whereunto I have answered more fully than the words thereof any wise constrained me. But your three questions yesterday unto me being most general, their honours having already drawn me to the smallest particular touching the two first, viz., What practice I know now of against her Majesty or this realm? and, What plot or practice for the Succession? I must satisfy the first with my former general answer, and that I do now here peremptorily also upon my uttermost peril, that I know of none other than I have already confessed.
	And for the Succession, though I have already for the most part declared it to their honours, yet according to your pleasure I will here set down in writing what I understood thereof. The King of Spain deriveth unto himself a title by descent from Ed. Crookback (as I think the chronicles term him), and by little also of legacy from the Queen of Scots if her son should not be Catholic, and by warrant from the Pope that then was, to be occupans upon her Majesty's excommunication. Of this it was said that Parsons, Owen, FitzHerbert and Vestigan was the chief advancers, and the setters forth of the book now in print but not published. I understood also that forsomuch as the Duke of Brigantia and the Prince of Parma entitled themselves also by Ed. Crookback, as also to Portugal, that the one of them, by consent of the other, should offer unto her Majesty to marry with Lady Arbella (Arabella), and so to become enemy to Spain. But it seemeth to have been in device in the old Prince of Parma his days; for now FitzHerbert and Owen, who were thought to have been the contrivers of this before, affirm the Lady Arbella's father (as I think) bastard.
	But it was thought if Sir Thomas Wilkes had come as he was expected, that Ch. Paget had revived this motion again, hoping that, in regard of a common peace and to have quietly enjoyed Portugal and the Low Countries, the King of Spain would have consented thereunto. And this was said to have been Cardinal Allen's device before his death, for the present tolerating of Catholics in England. Others said that if Sir Tho. Wilkes had come there had been an offer made of the King of Spain's own son to the Lady Arbella. They seem for the most part to affect the King of Spain's advancement, but Holt and Sir W. Stanley seem plausible to all devices, using this speech : “They care not who be King, so he be of clouts, if he will be a Catholic.” Fr. Dacres, G. More, Creichton and all the Scotsmen are for the Kings of Scots. G. More spake publicly against the book of the King of Spain's title, and answered Creichton (in setting forth of the King of Scots' title, and despairing of her Majesty's preferment of him, doubting that her Highness would advance Lady Arbella by some act in her lifetime), that seeing the whole realm had confirmed her Majesty's power by Act of Parliament to dispose according to pleasure after her death of the crown, her Highness would not disinherit the right heir (whom he termed more than half English) and thereby force him, for the obtaining of his right, to bring strangers into the realm, and so to make it a butchery of such her now most loving subjects, for right will never die nor be lost; and thereupon alleged the statement made both against Queen Mary and her Majesty, and that her Highness would never set Lady Arbella up in regard to her Majesty's love of the now Lords of her Council, who, or most of them, were then sure to be displaced. For her Honour's friends by her father's side would then be her chiefest enemies, and her chiefest friends those by her mother's side, the chiefest of whom (naming my lady) was of so imperious a nature and so conceited against the most of the Council—which, he said, he was persuaded was already known to them—that when she should have a ruling hand she would overrule those whom she now least affecteth : with other words to the like effect, which I suppressed to write to their honours, both for that I took it not to be anywise within the compass of their interrogatory of practice, as also that I was not then willing to give occasion of the least offence that might be towards her Honour. And so I beseech you excuse me unto their lordships. But Creichton persisting in his former despair of her Majesty's good inclination towards the King of Scotland, alleging the not proclaiming him Prince of Wales (as I writ to their honours), the death of his mother, &c.; if I should affirm to you how I maintained it to be both a provident and Christian policy for her Majesty not to nominate whom she had in her secret determination appointed next heir, I should seem only to affect thanks and win no credit therein more than I have done in my other averments. And as for my lord of Huntingdon, my lord of Hertford or my lord of Derby, I could not learn of any friends or favourers they had beyond sea; and so as I answered to the first I say also to this second, upon my uttermost peril, that I know not any one in England, neither vir nobilis, plebeius, vel domina qualiscumque, to plot or practice in any wise for the Succession for themselves or any other, or that their practices beyond sea hath any root, support, promise or maintenance any wise by any one here in England whatsoever.
	And touching your third question, what I did know or have heard spoken by any touching any expectation to the Succession, or any other matter that may concern her Majesty or the state of the realm, though indirectly, I told you yesterday in part how my lady [of Shrewsbury] acquainting me one day with the purchase my lord had made of certain lordships of Mr. Adderton, whereof my lord of Huntingdon had bought a mortgage, she seeming to marvel that lord Huntingdon would not buy them seeing they were so good cheap and lay so pleasantly, I answered I thought he was not able through the multitude of his debts. She replied she feared he had great great store of money, because he had sold much land and lived but at a small rate. Though this cannot import much, yet I write it down, because I took it so to be your pleasure.
	My lady also one day told me of the manner and forcible death of my late lord of Derby, saying that some were of opinion that my lord that now is, his brother, had procured him to be poisoned; “but” saith she, “I believe it not, but those foolish speeches that he spake to Mr. Fr. Hastings, saying that they two should one day fight for the crown, the shew of his great will and haughty stomach, his making of himself so popular and bearing himself so against my lord of Essex, I thought would be his overthrow. But (saith her honour) I marvel it is not revenged, for if the like should happen to my lord—as if it doth, it must be by one of these three factions, either Sir Tho. Stanhope with Tho. Markham, or his brethren, or the other (whom I understood to be those whom she thought to have poisoned my lord of Derby)—by God it shall be revenged upon them all, though it cost full dear” : and said further that my lord at his coming to London should go forth to dinner but to few places, and should be provided against such practices. How far these may extend, or how well be answered, I know not, but am assured (they being privately spoken) if her honour please to deny them, her great credit and high estate will discredit my most abject condition; for other testimony than myself I cannot give them. But this appeareth my exceeding desire to satisfy all demands; I now set down my very conceits—for otherwise I dare not yet term them—fearing to have urged her honour further to explain them.
	But, good Mr. Attorney, have some feeling of my present miserable estate, and think with what comfort I can either write or live! Whatsoever I have written that can make against myself is believed, whatsoever for myself not regarded; and then against any other, why should it be credited?
	I have written of things most probable, and in part, I am persuaded, proved by the examinations of my friends unto their honours and you; that is, of my intent to return into England to recover her Majesty's favour, and advertise my lord of Essex of all these practices I did know of or could have further learned in Scotland; but it is apparent nothing is believed. I left in her Majesty's hands my wife, parents, five brethren and six sisters, and patrimony, and it is believed that the three weeks' acquaintance of one simple and beggarly supposed Lord, and of one old, almost doting, Jesuit should persuade me to lose all these through hopeless expectations! I avow, upon my soul, I had rather quietly with her Majesty's favour enjoy my poor house, books and garden than 300l. pension of any princes in the world.
	Many will be deposed how I named myself before my departure Aglaus (the gardener of whom Guevarra speaketh in his Diad' of Princes), and often and solemnly vowed to content mysely in that poor house after his manner of life, if I could with all the rest redeem my hard fortunes, so little was I ambitious; but now [I am] wholly thought to follow princes' causes! This I write because it may easily be proved; but if I should write—as I have hitherto forborne once to mention—what answer I gave to Jacques and Dickinson at Brussels, upon unreverent speeches by them against her Majesty, though there I feared not to manifest the zeal and affection of a natural true subject, yet here, by reporting of it, I shall be rather more suspected than credited; as also my answer to Captain Barry upon the buying of the pistol (which Mr. H. Lee took from me at my first apprehension), which both discontented those bloody-minded wretches against her Majesty and not a little endangered myself. Mr. Moody, if it would please him, could advertise my answer, for he was within hearing of it; it was the same day he brought the book of Williams' and York's villainous intents to Brussels. And David Law, if he will say anything by me truly, can report in what secret manner and under the name of a Scotsman I came to Douai, not making myself known to any Englishman there or at St. Omer, or confessing myself to be an Englishman until I came to Calais, forth of the King of Spain's dominions. But alas! this is sinisterly expounded, rather suggesting more suspicion against me than any way acquitting me from the worst conceits. All things seem to have conspired my utter ruin. All my former joys, hopes and comforts are fully eclipsed, yea, her Majesty seemeth to have changed nature, and quite altered custom, the more to consummate my miseries. Here my tears point a period, pardon therefore my abrupt conclusion.—Tower, this Saturday, 21 June 1595.
	Holograph. 3½ pp. (33. 85.)
	M. de Lafontaine to the Earl of Essex.
1595, June 21.	Essex knows Mons. Le Fort, this bearer, without the recommendation which Mons. de Beauvoir has made of him. He desires to apply to Essex as a friend of our church. Begs that the cause of a brother of Le Fort's against one William Colin, now before the Council, may be expedited, to the repression of excess and violence in the future.—London, “en votre maisonette,” 21 June 1595.
	French. Holograph. 1 p. (172. 3.)
	[William Chaderton,] Bishop of Lincoln, to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 22.	Desires despatch of his restitution to Lincoln, and for Chester will refer himself to Cecil and Sir John Fortescue in those points wherein they rest doubtful.—Westminster, 22 June, 1595.
	Signed. Seal. ½ p. (33. 2.)
	Nicholas Williamson to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 22.	Before the coming of your note I had written a letter to Mr. Attorney of three particular matters concerning my lady; of what moment they shall appear to you I know not : I wish they may satisfy expectation any wise. The other matters whereof I told my keeper be these :—First, for the weir. 1. My lord sent for me up in post to London by a letter, and at my coming up had me apart and said, “Williamson, you marvel why I have sent for you; it is for nothing else but to tell you that my Lord Treasurer said, if he were as the Earl of Shrewsbury he would pull down Sir Tho. Stanhope's weir; and that I am persuaded the three solicitors shall not obtain a commission, and that we must needs have this weir down some way. I have no more to say, but talk with my wife, and then go down again when you will.”
	2. I talked with my lady who said as much to me, and further, that if there were some of the strong labourers about Sawley and some of those dam makers in Hallamshire whom G. Blunt knew, and some of the workmen about Welbeck, they would pull it down in a night, &c.
	3. Anthony FitzHerbert went down with me, to whom I told all this and sent him to G. Blunt, to whom he reported the same.
	4. After the pulling of it down my lord sent Eton, Roger Portington's man, post down to Sawley, where G. Blunt and Fr. Fletcher were with me, with a letter to give us notice of the pursuivant's coming down for us, and commanded Eton to see the letter burned because it should not discover him to be of knowledge in the matter.
	5. G. Blunt, after his coming up, had an instruction drawn by Kidman to teach him how he should say he was moved by me at Newark to help to the pulling down of the weir, and not by FitzHerbert, lest he should have thereby confessed what FitzHerbert had said unto him touching my lady's speeches unto me.
	6. A kind of a general warrant was made to authorise me to use all my lord's lands thereabouts according to my discretion, purposely to be shewed in the privy sessions at Newark to avoid the indictment, and this was subscribed by my lord.
	7. My lord and lady both gave thanks to divers for being at the weir.
	8. My lord discharged two or three of his men for that they said he disliked my pulling down of the weir, and that he would not defend us therein.
	9. His lordship wrote a letter to me to the same effect.
	I remembered 14 arguments the other week, but now cannot remember the rest as yet; but I doubt not these will make it appear I did not mistake the cause of his honour's sending for me to London. And touching the Scandalum, Fletcher drew a certificate verbatim as the words passed between Sir Thomas and himself, and sent it to my lord, who sent it back to me and to Kidman, being then at Nottingham, rased, leaving out the material words of Sir Thomas his meaning, and wished us by his letter to send for Fletcher to Sawley and there to persuade him to make a certificate according as my lord had corrected it; but we, fearing we should not persuade him to it, got him to Mr. Harpur's, by whose help and persuasions, after almost a whole day's labouring him, we got him to subscribe that which was sent up to her Majesty or the Council, and others set their hands to it which heard not the words.
	My lord commanded me both by letters and messages to pull down Sir Tho. Stanhope's park wall of Horseley. My lady would have had me to have fought with Mr. John Stanhope, and if I could by any means have got him in my power to have wholly disfigured him; and because I suffered him before my departure to ride quietly by my house and up and down the country, she took a disgust against me, and this can G. Holt—whom I take to be in the Fleet—witness, and some others.
	I have thus freely treasured up in your Bosom and Mr. Attorney's all my hopes; as I live now in darkness of prison, so do I rest in despair of mind ever in this world to receive redemption of life or relief of my miseries but only by the mediation of you two. I doubt not your late compassion of me is doubted by this increase of my punishment, and so I will end in hope, though assured to end my life in the greatest misery if you shall now fail me.—From the Tower this Sunday morning, 22 June 1595.
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“Nich. Wylliamson to me.”
	Holograph. 3 pp. (33. 87.)
	George Goringe to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 23.	One Saturday in the Court of Wards the Lord Treasurer said unto me : “Mr. Goringe, one of these days we will take a time to hear your matter.” My suit therefore is, that you would move him that this term may not be lost, but that my cause may be heard and determined. I desire an extent may go out upon my father's lands—the best way for Her Majesty to come by her debt, for by law she cannot sell.—23 June, 1595.
	½ p. (30. 10.)
	The Attorney General (Coke) to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 23.	I cannot find the precedent you cited in Grafton's Chronicle, neither have I sought for any precedent in Mr. M.'s office for two causes : (1) for that I hold it without question punishable for an high and great contempt; (2) for that I would not have it published that in searching for precedents any doubt should be conceived, as published it would be if search were made in that office. In many cases that be exorbitant it is not possible to find a precedent, but [we] are to be directed by the general rule and reason of the law. And yet I am assured I shall find many precedents that contempts of less latitude and quality have been severely punished.—This present Monday morning.
	Endorsed :—“23 Junii, 1595.”
	Holograph. ½ p. (33. 3.)
	Tobie [Matthew,] Bishop of Durham, to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 23.	This gentleman, Mr. Henry Sanderson, her Majesty's searcher of the town of Newcastle upon Tyne and the ports thereunto belonging, makes his repair unto you to crave your favour in such reasonable suit as he would present unto her Highness. Forasmuch as I have been well acquainted these many years with his faithful diligence, both by day and by night, in sundry her Majesty's services of the most importance in this country, against the enemies of this realm and God's truth, which he hath performed to his great charge and sometime to his peril, and indeed to the decay of his estate no little, besides the “fudes” of some near allied and too much affected to popish recusants and practisers, I could no less than testify as much for him, and pray your furtherance in his motion.—At Duresme, 23 June, 1595.
	Holograph. 1 p. (33. 10.)
	Sir Horatio Palavicino to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 23.	Never looks for anything but consolation from Cecil, and doubts not to have it on this occasion. Bearer will tell the rest.—Badburham, 23 June 1595.
	Signed. Italian. Holograph. 1 p. (172. 4.)
	George Gilpin to the Earl of Essex.
1595, June 23.	Want of worthy matter, and the hope to have had better news of Hulle's success in the service he had in hand, have caused my silence, and now of late it is advertised that he with another is taken prisoner even the very same day they purposed to come away, for the guides expected them between Bruxelles and Gemblours in the woods; one of them being come hither, but what became of his fellow he knew not, neither yet how the matter is discovered. I think one of Hulle's fellows has played false with the rest. What is worse, a friend of mine, an English merchant in Antwerp, who conveyed letters to and fro, though otherwise ignorant of all, is in trouble for it, having been examined and proceeded against, as the custom is in their sessions. I hope they cannot touch his life though it cost his purse the more. I am doing what I can for him underhand, and you might write to his Excellency that some prisoner might be exchanged for him. I am ashamed to presume thus far, but the extremity of the case and his small means enforce me. If I could have some increase of entertainment the better part should be employed about extraordinary services, and I doubt not, ere a year should pass, to work some service [which] should make amends for this failure.
	All goeth after the wonted course, and now his Excellency is setting forward to the field, having given orders to all the companies to march, the day of rendezvous being the 10 July, new style, and the place at Doesborgh. The number will be some 6,000 foot and 8 or 900 horse. Groll and Brevoordt will be first begun with, though stronger than the rest held by the enemy in those quarters. They are all discontented for want of pay and slenderly otherwise provided. Count Frederick van den Bergh, who is now governor of that Verdugo commanded over, assureth them he will be himself there shortly and bring money and all necessaries with him. His brother Count Herman, being returned out of Luxemburg with his men, gathereth more troops to him, to the number of 5 or 6,000, thereby to hinder his Excellency's attempts by diversion or otherwise, but if the French news be true, all the enemy can make must towards their frontiers, where the King prepares to fight the Constable of Castile and the Duke of Bouillon to raise the siege of Chastelet, if he come not too late, for Fuentes did beat it in hope to carry it away shortly. All the frontier garrisons are well beset, and the Count of Solms remains still at Hulst with the troops to defend that town and country until two sconces be made which will arm the town, and then may the men be drawn thence. There was an enterprise made against Oldenzeel, but failed in the execution by the cowardice of the captain, that with 25 men was appointed to lie in the corn and seize the gate at the opening thereof, while the rest should have followed. His excuse is that the corn was too short to hide them. His Excellency hath a great hope of doing good this summer, though he began somewhat late. It is the French wars must serve the turn and find the enemy occupied, or else these men must return to their defensive. The difficulties between the provinces are in part removed, so as the contributions will come in though with much ado, fearing nothing more than a recharge of the proposition Mr. Bodley was sent with, who, I know, hath thereof enlarged so much that it were but a trouble to say more. The treating about an agreement between the Earl of Embden and them of Embden continueth before the States' deputies, but nothing yet concluded though he begin somewhat to yield, nothing troubling him more than the defacing of his castle towards the town, and that do they still proceed with, having also received three ensigns of Friesons, and two more lie in the suburbs. The Earl hath drawn his men from the Knock and Loghen further from Embden into the country towards Aurick and Lyre, and the States' ships of war keep the river of Ems free. It is hoped ere long a good end will be made between them. In Zeland is arrived a ship from St. Domingo, very richly laden, and the three ships that should go to China along the north-east are ready to depart, and make no doubt of the passage. Here is arrived lately out of France the Count Amovall d'Egmont, about the recovery of his lands, as is thought. Wherein, what the States will say is not yet known, but his sister that lately was married to the Count of Solmes liketh not his coming what show soever she maketh. It is thought by some he will be a suitor to his Excellency's sister, and so the sooner attain his other purposes. Have entreated Mr. Bodley to move your lordship in my behalf at convenient times.—Haghe, this 23 June, 1595.
	Signed. 3 pp. (172. 5.)
	News from Abroad.
1595, June 24.	A paper of news headed Rome, 24 June 1595.
	The ordinary of Spain who arrived on Monday night brought letters from Madrid of 30th ult. On the day following there was to be solemn procession of thanksgiving for the recovery of the King's health. The West India merchants have offered to maintain 50 ships and 12 galleons to secure the voyage of the fleet, instead of paying the assurances which are made in Seville. A gentleman was in that Court from the duke of Gioiosa, asking assistance and offering securities. The Cardinal Archduke had told his servants to decide whether they would accompany him or remain, promising to provide outfit for those who went, and to those who remained give a present, and leave orders for them to be provided for in his church of Toledo. There was a question of six millions of gold, 300,000 a month for the war of Flanders and the same for that of France. The French on the Spanish frontier had refused the edict of Navarre, about the publication of war against the King Catholic.
	That wretched Englishman, being delivered by the Holy Office to the secular Court of Campidoglio, was on Tuesday morning carried naked on a cart through the principal streets of Rome, “dandoseli per tutta la vita con le torce accese,” and at the place where he committed so grave a crime his right hand was cut off. Finally he was burned alive in the Campo di Fiori, refusing to be converted, although persuaded thereto by many powerful theologians. Under torture he confessed to being sent by the Queen of England to assassinate Cardinal Allen, who getting notice of it, sent him to the prison of the Holy Office; where he denied it and was released.
	There is news from Milan that, in Flanders, Colonel Verdugo and Mons. della Motta have routed the duke of Boglione's cavalry. Mons. del Buffalo goes to Malta, as president of that Religion, to settle certain heresies which have arisen among the knights. Mons. Dobleol, agent here to the Cardinal Archduke, leaves shortly to wait on the Cardinal at Genoa, whither his coming from Spain has been delayed by the King's illness. After the return of Signor Gio. Fran. Aldobrandino a settlement was come to about the inheritance of the Cardinal of Toledo, worth 2,300,000 of gold; one third goes to the Pope, one to the King and the other to the pious works; but the Pope's portion must be spent on the war of Hungary. The Pope celebrated mass on Wednesday morning at St. Agatha's, where he lamented with many tears the outrage committed by the above mentioned Englishman. He afterwards gave audience to the Governor of Rome and the Fiscal and to the Cardinal of Mont'alto about (it is thought) the marriage of the Marquis Peretti. On Sunday Signor Antonio Tasso, master of the posts to the King Catholic, returned from Urbino, having ordered the 3,000 foot in pay there to march. Their delay was due to the Duke's hanging one of the captains for sedition. It comes from Turin that that Duke only waits for the men of Urbino and Milan to pass the mountains and prevent the men of Memoranci and Corse from joining Navarre. Mons. de Perona who comes hither with carte blanche has, in passing by Lorraine, treated the marriage of that Duke's third daughter with the Duke of Mompensiero, a prince of the blood. The prince of Transilvania has sent word to the Pope that 150,000 Turks are encamped near Andrianople, and are coming against him, and that he has but 50,000. The Pope has sent to Mons. Visconte, his nuncio, to advance the Prince 170,000 crs. forthwith.
	Italian. 3 pp. (172. 7.)
	Sir Francis Vere to the Earl of Essex.
1595, June 25.	At length the States have resolved to set their men-of-war on work, and now the troops are marching towards Doesburgh, whence the first of July his Excellency meaneth to set forward towards Grill. All our comfort is the hope we have the enemy will make toward us, whom we go resolved to attend if they do not too much overlay us with number. As for the taking of those small towns, it is not like to prove any service of moment for the resistance we shall find, though in regard of the country's good we can undertake nothing more necessary. And I do think this work had been ere this dispatched, notwithstanding the other pretexts they have used to colour this stillness of theirs, if the doubtful terms they stand on with Her Majesty had not made them forbear to engage themselves and to enter into any kind of expence; having reason to fear, by former experience, that if they gave not Her Majesty contentment they were to expect a present revocation of Her Highness' forces. But now whether the slacking of the pursuit, or the dispair they are in of growing to any good end with Her Majesty, the overture made by Mr. Bodley being not embraced, or the fear by the utter losing of this season to discontent the people, who hitherto have not been made acquainted with the secret cause of this protracting, do prick them forward, I cannot say; though I be fully assured if they could hope by using of their uttermost endeavours to give Her Majesty satisfaction, they would leave all other things undone. The enemy is almost idle, for since the taking of La Ferté and those places in Luxemburgh we hear no news of them. The Count Fuentes lieth at Douai to keep those quarters in devotion, and his men-of-war at Arleux near Cambrai. Of the French King we hear nothing since the rencontre betwixt him and the Constable of Castile his horse, where he had the victory; but we make account that Burgoigne will fall to the King's share if he be able to keep his army together. Upon these frontiers nothing attempted since the surprising of Han. The levy made by Swartzenburg about Cologne, being of 2,000 horse and 4,000 foot, is ready to march towards Hungary. The Turk beginneth to draw his forces together. About Raab he hath 30,000, and in Upper Hungary near Novigratt he hath also an army. The Count Charles Mansfelt is gone towards Oldenburg, where the Emperor's forces are, to take charge of them.—Hague, this 25 June, 1695.
	P.S. I have, according unto your desire, endeavoured to have Capt. Baskerville continued in his company by moving some of the principal in this state, who have counselled me not to move the matter in open Council, for that they know, though for other respects they might be content, yet for the consequence, being a thing hitherto not suffered, they would flatly reject the demand. If it may stand with your liking I would stir no farther in it; but at his return, if he desireth to return hither, I shall use all the means I can to procure him another company.
	Holograph. 2 pp. (33. 4.)
	Hugh Bethell to [Archibald Douglas,] the Lord Ambassador of Scotland.
1595, June 25.	According to my promise I have spoken with my wife concerning the promise you charge her withal, that she, after the death of her late husband. Mr. Stanley, should promise you the payment of 10l. which Mr. Stanley should owe you at his death. Truly she doth constantly deny that ever she uttered any such speeches to you, neither did mean to take upon her the payment of any money he ought, for that she never intermeddled with any goods of his. And as touching the parsonage they recovered, it was never his, but in her right and her children, and ended also in effect with his death. Considering the case resteth in this manner I am no way chargeable with payment of any his debts, which although I wish were answered as far as his goods would extend, yet I mean not to enter into any dealing touching the same.—Ellerton, 25 June, 1595.
	Holograph. ²/3 p. (33. 5.)
	Sir Henry Unton to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June, 26.	Your Honour best knoweth that as men's desires are glad to embrace the first show of comfort, so are they forward to seek perfect assurance thereof, wherefor I presume you will not blame me to urge on my own successes, and to beseech the continuance of your favour which you have ever vouchsafed me, and lately very liberally. What I would say and should say for myself in this case your Honour well conceiveth, and as occasion serveth let me not only crave your furtherance of my suit, but also your direction, which I will carefully observe. This bearer I send expressly to quicken Sir John Fortescue's motion, who doth faithfully promise to take the first opportunity to move Her Majesty. Then shall I have need of my noble lord, your father's, and your seconding him, whereof I make no doubt. Myself intend not to attend before the overture here made and some hope conceived, and then shall I obey your directions.—26 June, 1595.
	Holograph. 1 p. (27. 15.)
	Sir Edward Norris to the Earl of Essex.
1595, June 28.	The report of divers victories which the French King should have gotten of late against the Spaniard, whereof I can learn no certainty, so dangerous is it to speak of it amongst them, hath put all these parts in such an amaze that there is great appearance of some alteration, and the Duke/Count Fuentes so generally mistrusted and hated that scarcely any town will receive him, at least with any more than his own household. He is now upon the frontiers of France, so that your lordship hath more assured news of all things from thence.
	The Cardinal of Austria is looked for to be Governor, and some hope of better by his coming, and yet it is greatly feared, because the Duke Fuentes was his chief councillor in Portugal, so that it is thought he shall come but to countenance the Duke Fuentes against the nobility of this country who have opposed themselves against his government, saying that none of the blood of the Duke of Alva ought to command these countries. It is said also that the Count Buren shall come into these parts, which they hope may be an occasion of some agreement or else make some division in Holland and Zealand. Things cannot stand long in the state they are, for either the King of Spain must be stronger in these parts, or else the French King will be lord of the best parts of Artois and Burgundy. Capt. Brett, the bearer hereof, well known unto your lordship, a very tall soldier and an honest man, can sufficiently advertise you of all things here.—Ostend, 28 June, 1595.
	P.S. I have charged Captain Brett to deliver unto you the necessity of a company of horse. I beseech your favour for them.
	Holograph. 2 pp. (33. 6.)
	Ralph Gray to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 28.	Is credibly informed that Mr. Robert Bowes, treasurer of Berwick, intends to part with his office and uses all means he can for one Mr. Ashton, a gentleman in Lancashire, for it, who is now appointed to pay the garrisons of Berwick in Mr. Bowes' name, but is as yet not assured of that office. When last at Court had conference with Cecil therein, that if any such alteration were meant he might have his furtherance to the said office. Has served her Majesty in the borders in such sort as is manifestly known to her and others at least 20 years without seeking anything at her hands; assures him this is more for the advancement of his credit than for profit.—Chillingham, 28 June, 1595.
	Signed. 1 p. (33. 7.)
	John Harpur to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 28.	The restraint of my liberty doth most heavily afflict me, as a man who ever heretofore have lived free from all suspicion, although now, to the intolerable sorrow of myself and friends, my loyalty is made questionable. And because I know my own sincerity and that I have ever dutifully behaved myself in her Majesty's services, my most humble suit is that my cause may be examined; and then I assure myself that upon relation to her of my answers her Highness will be better satisfied of my duty towards her. In regard of my extreme sorrow I have written to your father to move her Highness to remit me into her gracious favour.—28 June, 1595.
	Signed. Seal.¼ p. (33. 8.)
	George, Earl of Cumberland, to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 30.	So far contrary to my resolution when I came from you is my course altered as I take no pleasure to write to any, nor would if I feared not my return, without her Majesty heard some reason for [it], would be “miscontered.” I had the best manned ship, I think, that ever went out of England; Sir Francis Drake told me he knew that went in her fourscore able to take charge. For good sailing and excellent working it is not possible to amend her, and I had my health as well as ever in my life. But when I was even ready to go, there came news by a man-of-war that she met one of the “garracks” at the Rock, which put me in such a fear that I should come short of them, they always coming forth of the India together, as I returned, not meaning ever to go to sea myself but when good reason doth draw me well to see certain likelihood of a happy voyage. Another journey may recover again what now I lose, if I lose, but my own going, idly, I will not upon slight grounds adventure. I have given directions so precisely as I am sure if anything be to come they are in fair possibility. I have left Langton the commander, who, I know, if they meet anything, will have it or I shall never see him; and all my company hath promised me to be governed as if I were myself there. I perceived by a letter from my Lord Admiral that her Majesty was much offended, I should desire to carry a flag where Captain Crosse in her ships was. Sir John Burrough in a ship of his own did; it was not only without offence taken, but by Capt. Crosse yielded to, and at home allowed of. But well, it is my fortune, who will ever strive to deserve as well, whatsoever disgrace is laid upon me, as any that liveth. Excuse me for going into the north, necessity forced, being without money, having much to pay presently, there only to get it, and from this place London 9 or 10 score mile about. Thus with the lips of my heart kissing her Majesty's sacred hands, I wish her all highest happiness.—From Tawestock, 30 June, 1595.
	Holograph. 1 p. (33. 11.)
	Musters.
1595, June 30.	Warrant to Lord Burghley, Lord Lieutenant of Essex and Herts, to levy and train 34 men in Essex and 44 men in Herts, ready for service in Ireland if need require, in addition to the 110 men lately levied in those counties, to be sent to Chester.—Greenwich manor, the last of June, 1595, 37 Elizabeth.
	Sign Manual. 1 p. (33. 13.)
	News from Abroad.
1595, June 30.	A paper of news dated Venice, 30 June, 1595.
	There is news of the 17th from Vienna that on the 15th, Count Ferdinand d'Ardecs, after having his hand cut off, was publicly executed, together with Colonel Perlino. Maximilian had left for Cassovia, and his wife, with her mother, was expected at Vienna. Mansfeldt was making a bridge over the Danube at Comar and had sent faggots, which the Hungarians collected, to Vicemburg. When his reinforcements, which were expected within ten days, and those of Italy, arrive, they will set about some great enterprise, seeing there are not 10,000 Turks on the frontier opposed to the Transylvanian, who, by reports from Cassovia, has won a great victory over Turks and Tartars. From Cracow letters of the 9th inst. report that the Poles refuse the league with the Emperor because he has not signed certain articles which they demanded. Other news of Poles, Turks, and Imperialists detailed.
	News from Paris of the 27th ult., of complaints of the cost of the war. The Prince of Conti has orders to leave 400 horse in Paris during his absence to keep the city in check, there being great mistrust of the Prince of Soissons, son of Madame de Conde, mother-in-law of the Prince of Conti. The country was so impoverished by the war that some 20,000 poor people were come into Paris seeking alms. The Duke of Guise was sent with 4,000 foot and 300 horse to besiege Soissons.
	Perlino was executed at Vienna for giving a plan of Comar to Sinam Bassa, who promised him his niece in marriage. Some say, however, that he was executed only for the sake of the Count of Ardecs' relations, to cover, in part, the Count's crime. The wife of the Transylvanian arrived at Vienna late on the 17th, with her mother who accompanies her to her husband.
	News from Constantinople of the 4th inst., that only a weak armada by sea will be sent out, and that but 25,000 men have as yet gone to Adrianople. Riot at Sofia between Janissaries and Spahi. Edict in Constantinople of banishment against several Christian nations. Advance of the Transylvanian and panic among Turks on that frontier. Creala (?) has obtained his pardon and is made one of the four viziers, and Sinam is likely to obtain his, as Ferac, his adversary, is far away from the Porte.
	From Milan they write, 28 June, that they have letters of 17 June from the Constable who only waits for 3,000 foot from Lorraine and some cavalry to make a move. Navarre was still besieging the castle of Digion. The viscount of Tavanes had surrendered a castle called Talan, about a mile from Digion, to the King. The dukes of Guise and Boglione were going into Picardy against the Count of Fuentes, who had made invasion there and was to join with Verdugo who had defeated Boglione.
	Italian. 4 pp. (172. 9.)
	Sir Horatio Palavicino to Sir Robert Cecil.
1595, June 30.	His fever is much abated. His friend Back writes from Middelburg that at Antwerp an Englishman and three Frenchmen are arrested on suspicion of intelligence with the English Court, and that he fears Thomas d'Arcques may be one of them. Hopes otherwise, because d'Arcques is of the Low Countries and not a Frenchman, and, moreover, could not have aroused suspicion in so short a time. Learns from Lisbon that 12 Biscayan ships of war have gone out. They are probably gone to the Indies to forestall the Signor Drack; but Ireland, now troubled by rebellion, should have warning. Is grieved that the Queen gives him no assistance but refers him to the negociation of Holland, which the obstinancy of Signor Bodley protracts so long, although there could not be a better time than now to press the States. Hopes, however, that Cecil is secretly advancing the matter by means of Signor Caron. Asks for, at least, one pay.—Badburham, 30 June, 1595.
	Italian. Holograph. 2 pp. (172. 11.)
	William Yelverton.
1595, June.	Petition to the Queen, for grant of certain lands in the manor of Barham, Norfolk. History of his claim to the lands.
	Note by J. Herbert that the Queen refers the petition to the Lord Treasurer, who is to draw a book for the satisfaction of petitioner.
	Endorsed :—“June, 1595.”
	1 p. (P. 224.)