|
|
Scottish Losses and Charges. |
|
1640–41, January 7. |
"Schedule containing the particular
sums of the Scotch losses and charges." |
|
Beside the particular charges and losses which all sorts of
persons have sustained this time past, and beside other extraordinary charges which are hereafter mentioned, we do, according
to our own knowledge and as we have received information from
such as had public trust, represent to your Lordships' view and
consideration the public charges and burthens under which the whole
country lies, as follows in this schedule annexed of the accompt: |
|
The comptes of the several regiments that were employed in
anno 1639 do extend to the sum of English money, |
£72293 |
15 |
0 |
|
For artillery and ammunition in 1639, |
£13387 |
16 |
8 |
|
The fortifying of the Castles of Edinburgh, Dumbarton and Stirling, some fortifications made in
Bruntiland, Inchgarvy, Kintire and Arran, the
works and fortifications made at Leith, so much of
the compts thereof as come in preceding Whit
Sunday, 1639, extends to the sum of, |
£5399 |
3 |
4 |
|
We do pay for three terms annual thereof
betwixt Whit Sunday, 1639, and Martinmas,
1640, at 8 percent extends to, |
£10809 |
14 |
0 |
|
Item, the "Sojours of Fortoune" being completely paid to the first of September, in the
regiment comptes above written, to them from
the first of September to the last of December,
1640, being 4 months extends to, |
£8333 |
6 |
8 |
|
Item, to the "Sojours of Fortoune" the number
of them being augmented by their coming home
from the last of December, 1639, to May 14, 1640, |
£10833 |
6 |
8 |
|
Item, for batteries made to defend the Castle of
Edinburgh, running trenches made for carrying
ammunition and convoying about a great part of
the town in view of the Castle for making blinds of
earth, deals and dung for saving people through all
the town, for making up the fortifications of Leith
(that come not in the last year's comptes) and for
reparation of the works made the precedent year,
and for satisfaction of the parties whose grounds,
gardens and houses were demolished for making
the fortifications and trenches about the Castle, |
£7166 |
13 |
4 |
|
Item, for General Major Munro his regiment
from 1 March to 30 November, 1640, |
£15000 |
0 |
0 |
|
Item, for two small regiments kept in Edinburgh
for guarding the town and keeping watch about
the Castle, they consisting [of] 1200 men, being
lifted in the end of March and were kept till the
beginning of October, is 6 months and the third
part of one month, |
£10500 |
0 |
0 |
|
Item, for the pay of 400foot that lay at Munross
from the beginning of May to the last of August,
and for levy money of 4/6 per piece (sic). |
£1921 |
13 |
4 |
|
Item, for threescore horses that lay there in
troops four months, |
£816 |
6 |
8 |
|
Item, for Lieutenant-Colonel Home's regiment
from April 1 to November 30, 1640, |
£7500 |
0 |
0 |
|
Item, the Earl of Argyle's expedition in this year, |
£3333 |
6 |
8 |
|
Item, the Factors comptes of arms and ammunition this year, |
£25000 |
0 |
0 |
|
Item, the foot army consisting between 22,000
and 24,000 men with 2500 horse from 14 May till 31
August, being three months and a half at £40000
a month, |
£140000 |
0 |
0 |
|
Item, to the Army from August 31 to October 16
being one month and a half, |
£60000 |
0 |
0 |
|
Item, levy moneys advanced to the footmen to
bring them to the rendezvous, to some 2/6, to some
3/-, to some 5/- as they lay in distance from the
rendezvous, which was at least to every footmen
overhead 3/4, |
£3666 |
13 |
4 |
|
Item, levy money to 2500 horsemen at 6/8 apiece, |
£833 |
6 |
8 |
|
Item, for entertaining of "sojours" at the
Castle of Dumbarton and upon Clyde making
fortifications at both places, |
£3333 |
6 |
8 |
|
Item, the Earl of Marshal's regiment, |
£5000 |
0 |
0 |
|
Item, the Master of Forbes's regiment, |
£3333 |
6 |
8 |
|
Item, my Lord Sinclair's regiment, being late
levied, |
£1666 |
13 |
4 |
|
Item, the value of 65 ships given up in the list
besides many others not yet come to our knowledge, which with the loading and loss they had by
want of trade by nine months' arrest extends to, |
£52700 |
0 |
0 |
|
The redelivery of the ships will abate so much
of this as the ships are presently worth. |
|
Item, about 500 Scottish ships were stopped from
trading by the English ships for the space of 6 or 7
months, many of the native commodities that use
ordinarily to be exported were sold the third
penny down of their values, the prejudice hereof
shall be instructed much to exceed that which we
do desire, but do only here rate the same in, to
extend to, |
£50000 |
0 |
0 |
|
Item, for some fortifications made at Tantallon
and a watch kept there and at the Bass and Linton
Bridges, |
£700 |
0 |
0 |
|
Item, for two ships sunk in Clyde to stop the
passage of the English (some having come in
before) valued at, |
£600 |
0 |
0 |
|
Sum total |
£514128 |
9 |
0 |
|
The kingdom of Scotland have sustained divers
other great burthens of this nature which we
willingly undergo by ourselves, and do represent
the same to consideration that your Lordships
may conceive how much we are thereby disabled to
bear any so great a part of the burthen as we would
willingly otherwise have undergone. As first, the
particular charges sustained by the nobility,
gentry and boroughs of the kingdom by reason of
the late troubles and armies which shall be made
to appear to be above, |
£100000 |
0 |
0 |
|
Item, the neglect and oversight of their particular
fortunes can be no less than the aforesaid sum of, |
£100000 |
0 |
0 |
|
Besides expeditions in the north that cost
above, |
£10000 |
0 |
0 |
|
The stop of trade anno 1639 was of prejudice to
Scotland above, |
£50000 |
0 |
0 |
|
Eighteen thousand pounds per month will not
defray the charges of our armies at Newcastle and
in Scotland, besides the £850 per diem which we
receive from the Northern Counties. |
|
There was furnished by the several shires of the
kingdom 2000 baggage horses for carrying victuals
to the soldiers they sent out, and above 1000 were
bought for carrying the commanders' baggage, of
which above 1000 have been lost in England and
have perished in the journey. And of 500 horse
and 100 oxen for the cannon the half is also lost,
which loss will amount to above, |
£6500 |
0 |
0 |
|
Many of the 2500 troop horses were cost at
several prices by the sheriffs and will lose on them
partly by death partly by decay above. |
£5000 |
0 |
0 |
|
Total of their last Articles |
£271500 |
0 |
0 |
|
7 January, 1640. |
Ad. Blair. |
|
7⅓ pp. (131. 82.) |
|
[For another copy see Cal. S.P. Dom., 1640–41, p. 412. This
document is referred to in Baillie Letters and Diaries, 1, 289, and
in Gardiner's History, IX, 261 note, but does not seem to be
anywhere printed.] |
|
Treaty with the Scots. |
|
1640–41, January 7. |
"Scotch Commissioners' preamble to
their sixth demand concerning their losses and charges." |
|
Concerning our sixth demand, although it has often come to
pass that those who have been joined by the bonds of religion and
nature have suffered themselves to be divided about the things of
this world; and although your adversaries, who no less labour
the division of the two kingdoms than we do all seek peace and
follow after it as our common happiness, to [sic: do] presume
that this will be the partition wall to divide us and to make us
lose all our labours taken about the former demands, wherein
by the help of God, by his Majesty's princely justice and goodness,
and your Lordships' noble and equal dealing we have so fully
accorded, and to keep us from providing for a firm and well
grounded peace by the wisdom and justice of the Parliament of
England, which is our greatest desire expressed in our last demand;
we are still confident that as we shall concerning this article
represent nothing but what is true, just and honourable to both
kingdoms, so will your Lordships hearken to us and will not suffer
yourselves by any slanders or suggestions to be drawn out of that
straight and safe way wherein we have walked since the beginning. |
|
It is now to suppose [sic] known to all England, especially to
both Houses of Parliament, and by the occasion of this treaty
more particularly to your Lordships, that our distresses in our
religion and our liberties were of late more pressing than we
were able to bear, that our complaints and supplications for
redress were answered at last with a terror of an army, that after
a pacification great preparation was made for war, whereby many
acts of hostility were done against us both by sea and land, the
kingdom wanted administration of justice and we constrained
to take arms for our defence: that we were brought to this
extreme and intolerable necessity either to maintain divers armies
upon our borders against invasion from England and Ireland, still
to be deprived of all the courts of justice, and not only to maintain
so many thousands as were spoiled of their ships and goods, but
to want all commerce by sea to the undoing of all merchants, of
sailors and many others who lived by fishing and whose callings
are upholden from hand to mouth by sea trade. Any one of which
evils is able in a short time to bring the most potent kingdom to
confusion, ruin and desolation; how much more all three at one
time combined to bring the kingdom of Scotland to be no more a
kingdom? Yet all these behoved us either to endure and under
no other hope than the perfect slavery of ourselves and our
posterity in our souls, lives and means; or to resolve to come into
England, not to make invasion nor with any purpose to fight
except we were forced: God is our Judge, our actions our witnesses, and England now acknowledges the truth against all
secret suspicions to the contrary and against impudent lies of our
enemies; but for our relief, defence and preservation which we
will find by no other means when we had assayed all means and
had at large expressed our pungent and pressing necessities to the
kingdom and Parliament of England. Since therefore the war
on our part, which is no other but our coming into England with a
guard, is defensive, and all men do acknowledge that in common
equity the defendant should not be suffered to perish in his just
and necessary defence, but that the pursuer whether by way of
legal process in time of peace or by way of violence and unjust
invasion in time of war ought to bear the charges of the defender,
we trust your Lordships will think it not against reason for us to
demand some reparation of this kind; and that the Parliament
of England, by whose wisdom and justice we have expected the
redress of our wrongs, will take such course as both may in reason
give us satisfaction and may in the notable demonstration of
their justice serve most for their own honour. |
|
Our earnestness in following this our demand does not so far
wrong our sight or make us so indiscerning as not to make a
difference between the kingdom and Parliament of England,
which did neither discern nor set forward a war against us, and
that prevalent faction of prelate and papist who have moved
every stone against us and used all sorts of means not only for
their Councells [sic: Councils ?], subsidies and forces but their
kirk canons and prayers for our utter ruin, which makes them
obnoxious to our just accusations and guilty of all the losses and
wrongs which this time past we have sustained. Yet this we
desire your Lordships to consider, that the Estates of the kingdom
of Scotland being assembled did endeavour by their informations,
declarations, and remonstrances, and by the proceedings of their
Commissioners to make known unto the Council, Parliament and
kingdom of England, and to forewarn them of the mischief
intended against both kingdoms in their religion and liberties by
the prelates and papists, to the end that our invasion from England
might have been prevented if by the prevalency of the faction it
had been possible. And therefore we may now with a greater
reason and confidence press our demand that your Lordships,
the Parliament, the kingdom and the King himself may see us
repaired in our losses at the cost of that faction by whose means
we have sustained so much damage, and which except they repent
will find sorrow recompensed for our grief, torment for our toil,
and an infinitely greater loss for their corporal losses they have
brought upon a whole kingdom which was dwelling by them in peace. |
|
All the devices and doings of our common enemies were to tear
down the truth of religion and the just liberty of the subject in
both kingdoms. They were confident to bring this about one of
two ways, either by blocking us up at sea and land to constrain
us to admit their will for a law both in kirk and policy, and thus
to make us a precedent for the like misery in England; or by their
invasion of our kingdom to compel us furiously and without order
to break into England, that the two nations once entered in a
bloody war they might fish in our troubled waters and catch their
desired prey. But as we declared before our coming we trusted
that God would turn their wisdoms into foolishness and bring
their devices on their own pates by our intentions and resolutions
to come into England as among our brethren in the most peaceable
way that could stand with our safety in respect of our common
enemies, to present our petitions for settling our peace by a
Parliament in England, whereas the intentions and actions both
of your adversaries and ours might be brought to light, the King's
Majesty and the kingdom rightly informed, the authors and
instruments of our divisions and troubles punished, all the mischief
of a national and doubtful war prevented, and religion and
liberties with greater peace and amity than ever before established
against all the craft and violence of our enemies. This was our
declaration before we set our foot into England, from which our
deportments since have not varied: and it has been the Lord's
wonderful doing by the wise counsels and just proceedings of the
Parliament to bring it in a great part to pass and to give us lively
hopes of a happy conclusion. And therefore we will never doubt
but that the Parliament in their wisdom and justice will provide
that a proportionable part of the costs and charges of a work so
great and so comfortable to both nations be borne by the delinquents here, that with a better conscience the good people of
England may set [sic] under their vines and figtrees refreshing
themselves, although upon our greater pains and hazard yet not
altogether upon our cost and charges which we are not able to
bear, as will appear by the annexed schedule. |
|
The kingdom of England knows and confesses that the innovation of religion and liberties in Scotland was not the principal
design of our common enemies, but that both in the intention of
the two works [sic: workers ?] whose zeal was hottest for settling
their devices at home and in the condition of the whole work make
us, who they conceived to be the worker for opposition, to be
nothing else but a leading case for England, and that although
by the power of God which is made perfect in weakness they have
found among us greater resistance than they did fear or either
they or ourselves could have apprehended, yet as it has been the
will of God that we should endure the heat of the day, so in the
evening the precious wages of the vindication of religion, liberties
and laws are to be received by both kingdoms, and will enrich,
we hope, to our unspeakable joy the present age and the posterity
with blessings that cannot be valued and which the good people
of England esteem more than treasures of gold and willingly
would have purchased with many thousands. We do not plead
that conscience and piety have moved some men to serve God
upon their own cost, and that justice and equity have directed
others where the harvest has been common to consider the pains
of labouring and the charges of sowing; yet this much may we
say, that had a foreign enemy intending to reduce the whole
island into popery made the first assult upon our weakness, we
nothing doubt but the kingdom of England from their desire to
preserve their religion and liberties would have found the way to
bear with us the expense of our resistance and lawful defence.
How much more, being invaded although not by England yet
from England by common enemies seeking these same ends, may
we expect to be helped and relieved ? |
|
We will never conceive that it is either the will or the weal and
honour of England that we should go from so blessed a work
after so many grievous sufferings bearing on our backs the
insupportable burdens of so many worldly necessities and distresses, return to our own country empty and exhausted, in
which the people of all ranks, sexes and conditions have spent
themselves, the possessions of every man who devoted himself
heartily to this cause, or burdened not only with his own personal
and particular expense but with the public and common charges;
of which if there be no relief neither can our kingdom have peace
at home nor any more credit for commerce abroad, nor will it be
possible for us either to aid and assist our friends or to resist and
oppose the restless working and wickedness of our enemies. The
best sort will lose much of the sweetness of the enjoying of their
religion and liberties, and others will run such ways and indirect
courses as their desperate necessities will drive them into; we
shall be but a burden to ourselves, a vexation to others of whose
strength we desire to be a considerable part, and a fit subject for
our enemies to work upon for obtaining their now disappointed
but never dying desires. |
|
We will not allege the example of other kingdoms where the
losses of just and necessary defence have been repaired by the
other part, nor will we remember what help we have made according to our ability to other reformed Kirks, and what the kingdom
of England of old and of late has done to Germany, France and
Holland; nor do we use so many words that England may be
burdened and we eased, or that this should be a matter of our
covetousness and not of their kindness and justice; justice in
respect of our adversaries who are the causes of our great misery
and necessity to which we have been brought; kindness in the
supply of our wants, who have been tender of the welfare of
England as of our own, that by this equality and mutual respect
both nations may be supported in such strength and sufficiency
that we may be the more serviceable to his Majesty and abound in
every good work both towards one another and for the comfort
and relief of the reformed kirks beyond the seas, that we may all
bless God and that the blessing of God may be upon us all.—Ad.
Blair, 7 January, 1640.
10 pp. (131. 86.)
[Another copy of the above is amongst the Marquis of Bath's
papers; see Historical MSS. Commission Report, IV, app. p. 249.] |
|
Treaty with the Scots. |
|
1640–41, January 7. |
Two papers:
(1) "Lords Commissioners' question upon the sum demanded
by the Scotch Commissioners for charges." |
|
Whether this be a positive demand or only an intimation of
the charge, thereby to induce the kingdom of England to take
your distressed estate into consideration and to afford you some
friendly assistance.—7 January, 1640.
¼ p. (131. 91.) |
|
(2) "Answer of the Scotch Commissioners to the question of
the Lords Commissioners concerning the sum demanded for their
charges." |
|
We would be no less willing to bear the losses if we had ability
than we have been ready to undergo the hazard. But because the
burden of the whole charges far exceeds our strength we have (as is
more fully contained in our papers) represented unto your Lordships our losses and charges, not intending to demand a total
reparation but of such a proportionable part as that we may in
some measure bear the remanent; which we conceive your
Lordships (having considered our reasons) will judge to be a
matter not of our covetousness but of the justice and kindness of
the kingdom of England.—Ad. Blair, 7 January, 1640.
½ p. (131. 91.) |
|
Resolution of the House of Commons. |
|
1640–41, January 22. |
To give friendly relief towards the
losses and necessities of the Scots, and in due time to take into
consideration the measure and manner of it.
⅓ p. (131. 93.) |
|
[Printed in Commons' Journal, II, 71. See also Cal. S.P. Dom.,
1640–41, p. 426.] Subjoined: (1) The Scotch Commissioners'
Answer to the above resolution. 26 January, 1640. Copy. 1 p. |
|
(2) "Proposition of the Lords Commissioners to the Scots for
proceeding in the treaty during the debate of their losses in
Parliament." 26 January, 1640. ½ p. |
|
(3) "Answer of the Scotch Commissioners to the Lords' proposition for proceeding in the Treaty." 26 January, 1640. ¾ p.
[The above three papers are printed in Lords' Journal, IV, 145.
For other copies see Cal. S.P. Dom., 1640–41, p. 426.] |
|
Treaty with the Scots. |
|
1640–41, February 10. |
"Scotch Commissioners' proposition
concerning the eighth and last demand."—10 February, 1640.
For the dismantling of the fortifications at Berwick and Carlisle.
1 p. (131. 97.)
[Printed in Lords' Journal, IV, 159.] |
|
Receipt. |
|
1641–42, February 14. |
Receipt from Patricke Cocke for the
half year's rent of the manors of Bevall and Selston, co. Nottingham, £225:11:3; the free rents of the same manors, 19/3; and
parts of the profits of the rectory of Greasley, £30; allowing
£1:16:8 for the tenths he paid for Bevall and £1:2:0 for the
expenses of a journey to London, the total sum remaining comes
to £253:11:10.
Endorsed: "A coppie of Partric Cockes acquitt. for money
by mee received 14° Januar. 1641." ¾ p. (200. 119.) |
|
Adam Blair. |
|
1640–41, March 1. |
"Wee desire that your Lordship may be
pleased to shew unto his Matie and the Parliament that in our
last paper, 24 Ffeb, our intention and desire was meerly to vindicat
our selfes and our actions from certaine aspersions, and to remove
some jealousies and suspecions which by an new devise of our
enemies were without cause raysed against us, and to our great
discontent did often fill our eares. This wee did conceave to be a
necessarie dutie on our parte, feareing that such misreports might
take place in the minds of those who did not know our innocencie.
And considering that our actions might be wreasted to a sense
contrary to our honest meaning, and tending to the very greate
prejudice of the waighty affaires with which wee are intrusted
from a whole kingdome, and haveing cleared our selfes and satisfied
our brethren and freinds, wee had all that in this wee did desire.
But as the printing of that paper had no warrant nor order from
us who have no power to command or forbidd the presse, soe was
it fare from our intentions either to give unto his sacred Matie the
least cause of offence or to stirr sedition or make the smalest
trouble in the Church or kingdome to which wee heartily wish
all true peace and happines; or to streatch our selfes beyond our
line, and to prescribe and give rules for reformation, whether in
Church or policie, which cannot be expected but from his Maties
owne royall considerations and from the wisedome and justice of
the representative body of the kingdome now setting in Parliament, in whose affaires wee desire to have no further hand, but
in soe fare as they may concerne us and the peace betwixt the
two kingdomes. What evills our religion had suffered by the
Bishopps of England from the long experience of our Church ever
since the tyme of reformation, wee did in some measure expresse
before in our charge against Canterbury. And what wee have
further in comission to propose for preventing the like evills
afterwarde and for setling of a firme and happy peace and nearer
union betwixt the kingdomes, which is and shalbe the chiefest
of our desires, shall in the owne place be remonstrate in such a
way as may best give satisfaction and be furthest from all cause
of offence."—Primo Martii, 1640.
Signed: Adam Blair. 1½ pp. (General 72/8.) |
|
Treaty with the Scots. |
|
1640–41, March 9. |
"Index of the remanent heads contained in
the eighth demand for establishing of a firm and durable peace."
—Signed: Ad. Blair. 9 March, 1640.
2 pp. (131. 98.) |
|
[Printed in Cal. S.P. Dom., 1640–41, pp. 513, 514, but under
date March 26, which was probably the date of the Answer given
by the English Lords Commissioners. See Lords Journals, IV,
216.] |
|
Councillors and Officers of State in Scotland. |
|
1640–41, March 15. |
"Scotch Paper for placing Councillors
and Officers of State in Scotland by advice of Parliament." |
|
Since the many and weighty [affairs] of the kingdom of England
will take up the greater part of his Majesty's time that he cannot
make so long abode in Scotland as we do heartily wish and desire,
we are the more confident that his Majesty from his natural love
and royal care of that his native and ancient kingdom will in his
wisdom think upon such ways of government as may be with
least trouble to his Majesty and with greatest peace and comfort
to his subjects. And since his Majesty has been graciously
pleased to declare that all matters civil shall be there determined
by Parliament and other inferior judicatories established by law,
we do humbly remonstrate and desire that his Majesty may be
pleased to make choice of his councillors and officers of estate
by the advice of the Estates convened in Parliament. And if
any office of estate shall happen to "vaik" [become vacant] and
must be provided in the interval of time betwixt the sittings of
the Parliament, that it may be done by his Majesty with advice
of the Secret Council; and that both councillors and statesmen be
liable for the discharge of their duty to his Majesty and the
Parliament's trial and censure, that so far as is possible all the
ways of ambition and corruption may be stopped. It is in like
manner our humble desire that the Senators of the College of
Justice, who minister justice to all the subjects, may be chosen by
his Majesty with advice of the Parliament. And because these
places cannot "vaik" long without prejudice to the lieges, that
the places which shall happen to be "vaikand" betwixt Parliaments may be provided by his Majesty with advice of the whole
House. And lest they be removed when now they have acquired
by experience the best abilities for acquitting themselves in their
places, which require skilled men in the laws and practice of the
country, that they be provided ad vitam or ad culpam. We do
not delight to fill again his Majesty's ears with the repetition
and resentment of our pressing but now by past evils, which in a
great part have issued from the corruption of the fountains of
counsel and justice, but do only represent that this is agreeable to
the order and practice observed by his Majesty's progenitors before
the coming of King James into England; and that in the disposing
of these places which so highly concern the whole kingdom, his
Majesty in his absence may have more sound and impartial advice
from the whole body convened in Parliament than from any one or
more particular members.—15 March, 1640. Ad. Blair.
2 pp. (131. 99.) |
|
Church Government in Scotland. |
|
1640–41, March 15. |
"In making our proposition concerning
unity in religion and uniformity of Church Goverment as a
powerfull meane of conserving peace, we have acknowledged, as
we do still acknowledge, that no reformation can be expected but
from the wisedome and authority of the Kings Matie and of the
houses of Parliament. And have sayd very much to free ourselves
of all suspition or prescribing rules of reformation. And if we
could conceave what more ought to be sayd for manifesting our
intentions, we would willingly add it, that there might be no
mistaking. Yet with the making of our proposition, we could do
no lesse then render the reasons upon which we do conceave that
the peace shall not be so durable as we wish it may be unlesse
there be an uniformity of Church goverment: |
|
(1) Because the reasons which we bring are so many witnesses
of the truth of our intentions, and earnestnesse of our desires to
have a firme peace established. |
|
(2) Because experience hath taught us that all the troubles of
the kingdoms have issued from the diversity of Church goverment;
and our feare is that the same fountaine, unlesse it be dryed up,
shall send forth the same streames, and that no limitation shall
be able to keepe it from swelling above the bankes. |
|
(3) The same meane of union hath been assayed by King James
of happy memory. |
|
(4) We have sayd nothing in the reasons of our proposition, but
what for substance is contayned in our former papers since the
beginning of the treaty. |
|
We know that the goverment of the Church is setled heer by
lawes, and therefore present our desires to the King and houses of
Parliament, who have the legislative power, that if they who have
the power to make lawes in their wisedome shall thinke it necessary
to repeale any law, or to make any alteration for the more near
uniting of the kingdomes, and from respect to the supreame law
which is the safety of the people, they may take the same into
their consideration and do what they judge convenient. |
|
Thus far we could not thinke the presenting of our desires unfitt,
both because the Parliament hath now in their consideration the
setling of the peace of the Church, and because in former times
they have made such alterations in their lawes as in their wisedomes they thought fitt for the reformation of religion. And
as we would not at all have made any such motion if the peace
betwixt the two kingdomes had not craved it at our hands, so
could we do no lesse then shew how reasonable we conceaved the
motion to be, and how conduceable for the end, leaving allwayes
the determination unto the wisedome and care of the King and
kingdome. Which way of proceeding is so agreeable to reason
and common equity that it cannot be interpreted to be a distruction of the establisht goverment or against the duty of Commissioners, his Mats subjects, who could neither answear to the
King or to the kingdome which hath entrusted them if they should
have pretermitted that which they thinke, and is universally
knowne to be, the principall preservation of peace. |
|
We desire that a difference may be made betwixt the divulging
of discourses to stirre up the people against the lawes of the
kingdome, which hath been as far from our actions as it is against
the duty of Commissioners, especially his Maties subjects: and
upon the other part, the presenting in an humble and peaceable
way before the King and Parliament such things as are judged
necessary for a firme peace, a duty which we cannot omitt.
Because as your Lordships have your commission from the King
and Parliament, so is our commission to treat with both, that not
onely peace between the King and the subjects but betwixt the
two kingdomes may be setled by advice of the houses of Parliament, and by their care also may be in all time comming preserved; and without which we cannot thinke ourselves secured.
And since both the houses have called for all the heads and
articles contayned under the eight demand, and we have exhibited
them onely by way of index, we conceave it to be incumbent to us
to propone our meaning in so many of them as concearne both
nations, and the reasons which moved us to demand them to both
the houses of Parliament. And therefore we must still entreat
that as your Lordships have shewed our desire concerning this
meane of peace to his Matie, you may be pleased also to shew the
same to the honourable houses of Parliament, that we may report
their answear to those that have entrusted us."—15 March, 1640.
Ad. Blair.
Endorsed: "The Scotch Commissioners replie to the Lords
Commissioners answeare concearning uniformitie of Church
goverment."—15 March 1640. 2½ pp. (206. 106.) |
|
Treaty with the Scots. |
|
1640–41, March 16. |
Paper presented by the Scottish Commissioners to the English Lords Commissioners representing the
wants of their army and desiring speedy payment of the 300,0001
granted by Parliament for their relief.
1½ pp. (131. 100.)
[Printed in Cal. S.P. Dom., 1640–41, p. 503.] |
|
Treaty with the Scots. |
|
1641, March 29. |
"Scottish Commissioners' paper [addressed
to the English Lords Commissioners] concerning commerce and
trading." |
|
Your Lordships know that by the liberty of commerce and trade
the blood has run through the veins of all his Majesty's dominions
for the greater fulness and better nourishing the whole body, which
in a short time may be a repairing of the losses of both kingdoms;
and we are commanded for the same end to represent the particulars following, which in the midst of your so many and weighty
affairs we have expressed nakedly, leaving the reasons to their
own wisdoms, yet being willing where it shall be needful to render
the reasons for each proposition, and withal desiring the answers
of these our demands at your Lordships' first opportunity, that
they who have sent us being acquainted with them and returning
their answer, which will take some time, we may report the same,
and having these and all other matters concluded we may be
"timously" dispatched for attending the diet of the Parliament
so often prorogate, which is the twenty fifth of May. |
|
(1) Since by the laws, liberties and continual practice of the
kingdom of Scotland neither the persons of the subjects of that
kingdom nor their ships nor any other vessels whatsoever are
subject to pressure, it is desired that it may be enacted in this
present Parliament that none of these be pressed by land or sea
in any part of the kingdom of England or Ireland, sea ports or
harbours thereof. |
|
(2) For better commerce and intercourse betwixt the kingdoms
of Scotland, England and Ireland, that it may be now declared
lawful to transport all goods and commodities from Scotland to
England or Ireland or from thence to Scotland as free of customs
and other exactions whatsoever, and in the same case and condition as if they were transported from one port of Scotland to
another or from one part or port of England or Ireland to another,
with this declaration always that the said mutual liberty, so far
as concerns goods prohibited by the laws of either kingdom to be
transported to foreign nations, shall only serve for the inward
use of the three kingdoms, and the manner of restraint and punishing the contraveners to be considered upon; and that native and
foreign commodities not prohibited in the kingdom from whence
they are exported may be imported or exported by Scotsmen as
freely as by any his Majesty's subjects in England; and so reciprocally in Scotland by the English or Irish. |
|
(3) That the Scottish ships coming from foreign places and
arriving in any roads, havens or ports in England or Ireland
through tempest or for refreshment or upon whatsoever occasion,
and not disloading, may be free to pass or repass without searching
or any other impediment; and that if Scottishmen shall load
money or whatsoever foreign commodities in any foreign part
either in any foreign bottom or in an English or Irish bottom,
that it shall be free to the owners thereof and their factors to
unload their moneys, goods and commodities foresaid at any port
in England or Ireland and to transport the same to Scotland
without any impediment to be made. And the English and
Irish to have the same liberty reciprocally in Scotland. |
|
(4) If Scottish ships or any other vessels laden with goods
pertaining to Scottishmen, going to or coming from any foreign
nation, shall arrive in any ports of England or Ireland and have
necessity to sell a parcel of their said goods, that it shall be lawful
to them to do the same and to transport the remanent to Scotland
or elsewhere without payment of any custom but for so much as
they shall sell; and the English and Irish to have the like liberty
reciprocally in Scotland. |
|
(5) In respect of the great detriment sustained by his Majesty's
subjects by those of Dunkirk and other pirates robbing their
goods, taking their ships and wronging the persons of their men,
that some solid course may be taken for preventing the like in
time coming, so that his Majesty's subjects may have free trade
hereafter; and that the Scottish ships passing to France, Holland
or other parts may have a safe convoy of the King's Majesty's
ships as the English and Irish have. |
|
(6) Since there can be no greater mark of mutual amity betwixt
the kingdoms than a fair and peaceable conversing at home and
abroad, it is craved of his Majesty and the Parliament of England
that where the English have any out trade and dealing in any
foreign places, that it may be free to Scottishmen to out trade and
deal in the same places without any impediment to be made by the
English or Irish; the English or Irish to have the like liberty in
the out trade of Scottishmen in foreign places. |
|
(7) That Scottishmen be not debarred from being associated
in companies within the kingdoms of England and Ireland upon
such conditions as the English or Irish are admitted; and this
to be reciprocal for England or Ireland in companies and associations in Scotland. And because there are not as yet such manufactories erected in Scotland as are necessary, and the trade of
fishing which is one of the greatest benefits in his Majesty's
dominions is not yet brought to perfection, it is fit that by mutual
concourse of both kingdoms such course be taken as may best
bring the trade of manufactories of Scotland, and fishings within
all his Majesty's seas, to perfection; and for that end that commissions be directed by the King and the Parliaments of both
kingdoms to treat upon such means and conditions as may subsist
with the freedom and liberties and may best conduce for the benefit
of his Majesty's dominions. |
|
(8) That his Majesty and the houses of Parliament will take to
their consideration the exorbitant customs, exactions and other
rigorous dealings (whereof the particulars are set down in a note
herewith given in) taken and used by the King of Denmark both
of the Scottish, English and Irish and others his Majesty's subjects
passing the Sound; and that some course may be taken for reducing the said exaction to some reasonable and constant measure,
and for liberation of his Majesty's subjects from the rigorous
dealings in time coming. |
|
(9) That the mutual communication betwixt the nations may be
not only in commerce, but also in their other benefit and privilege
of natural born subjects, it is requisite that as all subjects of either
of the kingdoms are by the common laws of both, so they may be
declared capable and enabled to obtain, inherit and possess all
lands, goods, dignities, offices, liberties and benefits, ecclesiastical
or civil, in Parliament and all other places of the said kingdom
without any exception whatsoever, as fully as the subjects of
either realm may do in any sort within the kingdom where they
are born; providing that no Englishman who has a title or dignity
in Scotland shall have voice in the Parliament of Scotland unless
he have lands and heritage worth and paying of yearly rent to the
value of 5001 sterling in Scotland; and reciprocally that no
Scottishman having title or dignity in England have voice in the
Parliament of England unless he have the like proportion of
heritage or yearly rent in England. Like as seeing the near union
and hearty conjunction of both kingdoms is earnestly desired in
all things, and that the subjects of Scotland and England may have
the privilege of natives in both kingdoms, it is also desired for
eschewing of all contest in time coming that the nobility of all
degrees have place at all occasions according to their several
degrees and dignities in their own kingdoms; as that all the Earls
of Scotland have preference before all the Earls of England in
the kingdom of Scotland and all the Earls of England the like
preference before all Earls of Scotland within the kingdom of
England. And of all other dignities above and beneath the
dignity of an Earl as has been customable since King James's
coming into England. |
|
(10) That in England and Ireland faith be given to decrees or
registrate bonds and contracts in Scotland being extracted and
subscribed by the Clerk with a testificate under the hand of the
Judge or [blank] of the judicatory, declaring the same to be
authentic, without production of the principal writs or other
grounds whereupon the decrees proceeded, or of the principal
bonds or contracts, which do and must remain in the public
Registers of the kingdom; and that the Judges of England or
Ireland upon suit or supplication made to them by Scottishmen
upon the foresaid decrees, registrate bonds and contracts shall be
tied to interpone their sentence and authority against the parties,
being lawfully warned and heard upon their defences whereby
they may "elide" the decrees, registrate bonds and contracts;
and thereafter to proceed in execution according to the laws and
custom of the kingdom where the suit is made. The like to be
observed reciprocally in Scotland for execution of decrees given
in England and Ireland and in pursuits resulting thereupon. |
|
(11) As the several jurisdictions and administrations of justice
in either realm may be frustrated by delinquents for their own
impunity, if they commit any offence in the one realm and thereafter remove their persons and make their abode in the other,
therefore that no person censured by the Parliament of either
nation as incendiaries betwixt the nations or betwixt the King
and his people shall enjoy any benefit civil or ecclesiastical, or have
any shelter or protection in any other of his Majesty's dominions.
Like as where malefactors and criminals guilty of the crimes
mentioned in the Act of Parliament 1612, cap. 2. and others
of that nature and committed by Scottishmen within the kingdoms of England or Ireland or any parts thereof are taken or
apprehended in England or Ireland, that it shall be lawful to the
justices of England or Ireland to remand them to sea or land, as the
Act bears. And further, if any malefactors committing crimes in
Scotland, England or Ireland being duly processed in the kingdom
where the crimes are committed, and being fugitives or remaining
in any other of the kingdoms foresaid, that the Judges of either
kingdom shall be holden at the instance and suit of the party
offended to take and remand the criminals and malefactors to the
kingdoms where the crimes were committed. The like Act to
be made in Scotland. And this would be extended as well to
debts as crimes. And what further is requisite concerning this
and other particulars for settling of peace of the middle shires and
accelerating justice upon delinquents both in civil and criminal
causes is to be considered by the Committee for that effect.—
Ad. Blair, 29 March, 1641.
Copy. 7 pp. (131. 158.)
[This paper is referred to in Lords' Journals, IV, 216.] |
|
Treaty with the Scots. |
|
[1640–41, March]. |
"Concerning our [the Scots'] demands." |
|
That there may be no mistaking of our meaning, we desire that
when the relation shall be made to the Houses of Parliament the
papers themselves which contain our demands may be read;
and if at the reading any doubt shall arise or any exception [be]
made against any particular, we desire to be acquainted therewith
in writing that we may give all possible satisfaction thereto in the
same manner. |
|
The articles now exhibited to the Houses of Parliament are of
three sorts. |
|
The first are such as were intended by us for the King's Majesty
and not for the Parliament, as the article concerning the choosing
the Council and Session, which concerns the kingdom of Scotland
only, and of which from our laws and practices we have sufficient
ground as we shall be ready to make manifest; and two other
articles concerning the coming of the King and Prince into
Scotland at some times, and concerning placing of some Scottishmen in places of service about them and the Queen, which we
hope shall be found just and reasonable when our case shall be
considered as if it were their own, and the reasons moving us to
demand them shall be equally weighed. |
|
The second sort are such as cannot presently be determined but
must be considered by Commissioners chosen by the Parliaments
of the two kingdoms. Such are some particular articles of trade,
but the principal articles of trade proponed by us may after
conference of a Committee be presently determined, they being
agreed upon already at the treaty of the union, with some few
exceptions which have not been observed and by experience
since that time have been found inconvenient; and likewise the
article of remanding was then agreed upon, has been in practice
since at the borders and is still necessary for them. |
|
The third sort is such as are proponed to the present consideration of the Parliament; as the Act of Oblivion with the exception
of the incendiaries cited before the Parliament of Scotland and
reserved already in the treaty, which could no more have the
benefit of the Act of Oblivion nor the incendiaries and disturbers
of peace here could be passed in silence. |
|
In the article concerning naturalization, it would be remembered
that the same is acknowledged by the sentences of all the Judges
of England already in Calvin's case, with the laws and reasons
thereof set out in Coke's Reports and Elismore's book of Postnati:
and the same was agreed totidem verbis in the treaty for the union
betwixt the nations, like as we have the same privilege by the law
in France, and in this kingdom by continual custom since King
James's entry into England. |
|
In the article concerning war with foreigners, as we do no ways
thereby intend to trench upon his Majesty's prerogative and have
not conceived the article positive but alternative, so in common
equity and reason we ought not to be prejudged [prejudiced] by
the wars made by the kingdom of England without our consent,
especially since the laws and customs of undertaking war with
foreigners may be different in the two kingdoms, and the like
article is usual in leagues fully offensive and defensive betwixt
nations. |
|
The article concerning unity in religion, where we propone our
earnest wishes and desires, and express our just fears, with the
reasons moving them, but far from prescribing rules for reformation of religion and resolving to rest in the answer of the Parliament, we being secured in our religion.—Undated.
Endorsed: "March 1640." 2 pp. (131. 101.) |
|
An Act of Oblivion. |
|
1641, April 1. |
"Scottish Commissioners' paper for conserving
of peace betwixt both kingdoms."
Signed: Ad. Blair, primo Aprilis, 1641. 6 pp. (131. 162.) |
|
This with considerable variations is printed in Rushworth's
Collections, III, pp. 270–372. The most important variations
are as follows: |
|
(1) The passage in Rushworth beginning p. 370, line 11 from
foot—"Providing that the benefit of the said Statute" to p. 370,
line 1—"outlaws nor their receptors" is omitted and in place
appears the following:— |
|
"Providing always that these presents and the said Statute
shall be without prejudice of any process intended or to be
intended against these persons against whom public complaints
in name of the kingdom have been made for bribery, pernicious
counsel or information given to the King, for sowing sedition
betwixt his Majesty and his subjects, or for such other causes as
are contained in the summons by which they are cited to appear
and answer before the Parliament of any of the kingdoms
respectively." |
|
(2) For Rushworth p. 371, line 26 from foot—"provided that
this be not extended to particular quarrels upon the Borders" to
line 5 from foot—"articles of peace in this treaty" is substituted: |
|
"And if either kingdom being required shall refuse to concur
with the other to that effect, the kingdom refusing shall be
holden to refund the losses which the kingdom requiring shall
sustain by that rising in arms and making of war. |
|
Seeing wars made by any of the kingdoms against any foreign
nation do make both nations, by reason of their union under
one head, liable to the hazard of the war both by sea and land,
it is craved that the King and kingdom of England or Ireland
shall not make war against foreigners without consent of the
Parliament of Scotland; and in like manner the King and
kingdom of Scotland shall not make war against foreigners
without consent of the Parliament of England; and if his
Majesty and any one of the kingdoms shall do 'in the contrair'
the kingdom so doing shall be bound to refund the losses the
other kingdom shall sustain thereby. |
|
For like reasons it is necessary that no alliance or confederacy be made by either kingdom without consent of the
other, at least unless they be taken in the same alliance with
the makers thereof. |
|
It is fit for the greater strength and safety of both kingdoms
that they mutually assist one another against all foreign
invasions, and the particulars of this mutual concourse are
given in herewith. |
|
That the peace to be now established may be inviolably
observed in all time; trial would be taken in the triennial
Parliaments of any wrongs done by either nation to others and
commissioners appointed from both to treat there anent.
These commissioners shall also try what differences arise
betwixt his Majesty and the subject, who have given bad
counsel to either, who have been incendiaries or encroached
upon the King's power or liberties of religion and country, that
the same may be remonstrated to the Parliaments. Like as
some constant and select commissioners would be chosen by
the King and Parliaments of both nations, either of the Council
or others as they shall think fittest, who in the interval betwixt
Parliaments may have power jointly to try where any differences arise, where wrong is done, and to redress the same if
they can, otherwise to remonstrate the same to the ensuing
Parliaments." |
|
(3) And for the concluding paragraphs in Rushworth from
p. 372, line 24—"this whole article" to the end of the page appears
the following:— |
|
"Besides these last particulars we do not remember any further
demand, and therefore now desire and expect a 'timous'
answer unto all our propositions, as well concerning unity of
religion in his Majesty's dominions as the rest, that the Treaty
being concluded we may in time repair to the Parliament."
[The document is referred to but not printed in Lords' Journals,
IV, p. 216. See also Cal. S.P. Dom., 1640–41, pp. 513–15.] |
|
Treaty with the Scots. |
|
[1641, April 12]. |
|
Endorsed: "Answer [of the English Lords Commissioners] to
the Scotch Commissioners' large paper concerning uniformity of
church government." Draft. 1 p. (131. 156.) |
|
[Printed together with the "Index of the heads of the eigth
demand of the Scots" in Cal. S.P. Dom., 1640–41, pp. 514, 515
under date 26 March, 1641. But from the Lords' Journals, IV,
216, coupled with the above endorsement, this would appear to
be the Lords Commissioners' reply to the second or "large"
paper of the Scottish Commissioners on Uniformity of Church
Government, and should therefore be dated 12 April, 1641, as
stated in Lords' Journals ut supra.] |
|
Munitions and Military Forces of Dorsetshire. |
|
1641, May. |
"A survey of the munition of the county of Dorset
and of the Castles and blockhouses there taken by Sir Walter
Erle, May 1641." |
|
The county's store
at Dorchester |
Iron Ordnance |
Barrels of
Gunpowder |
Iron Shot |
Match |
|
Lead, 3250lb |
Demiculverins 2 |
38 |
100 |
Puncheons 5 |
|
|
Sacres 2 |
very old but
indifferently
serviceable |
or thereabout
of several
heights |
old but being
dried will be
serviceable |
|
|
Minions 1 |
|
|
|
|
|
newly mounted
another
unserviceable |
|
|
|
|
Lyme |
Demiculverins 3 |
3½ |
100 |
100 lb |
|
|
Sacres 2 |
|
or near that
number of
several sizes |
|
|
|
of brass,
minion 1
falcon 1 |
|
|
|
|
|
all but one
unmounted |
|
|
|
|
Weymouth and
Melcombe |
Demiculverins 14 |
2½ |
150 |
30 lb |
|
|
Sacres 8 |
|
of several
sizes |
|
|
|
all newly
mounted |
|
|
|
|
Poole |
Short sacres 4 |
5 |
|
|
|
|
weakly mounted |
|
|
|
|
Portland |
Culverin 1 |
6 |
|
|
|
The platform
wholly decayed
and gone, the
leads, etc, begin to
perish, no place
left for the
ordnance, but only
the gunroom |
Demiculverins 3 mounted,
of these 3 are
badly mounted
2 culver. 6 demiculv. and 1 sacre unmounted |
old since '88 |
100 |
|
|
|
|
|
of several
sizes |
|
|
Sandsfoot. The
like save only that
it hath a little
platform at the
foot of the Castle |
Culverin 1 |
3 |
120 |
|
|
|
Demicul. 2 |
old since '88 |
of several
sizes |
|
|
|
1 culv, 4 demiculv. 2 sacr. 2
falcons
unmounted |
|
|
|
|
Brownsey.
The like |
1 brass sacre and
1 brass falconet
unmounted. 3 old iron pieces
unserviceable. |
|
|
|
|
1 p. (131. 165.) |
|
Military Forces of Dorsetshire. |
|
1641, May. |
"A survey of the military forces of the county
of Dorset, both horse and foot, taken upon certificate from the
several captains by Sir Walter Erle, May, 1641." |
|
|
|
Captains |
Cuirassiers |
|
|
Troops of Horse 2 |
Thomas Hussey, Esq |
49 |
The arms, etc |
|
|
|
Angel Graye, Esq |
54 |
not complete |
|
|
|
Captains |
Musketeers |
Pikemen |
|
|
Foot Companies 14 |
Phelips |
88 |
68 |
|
|
|
Swayne |
82 |
61 |
|
|
|
Fry |
75 |
80 |
|
|
|
Ryves |
83 |
71 |
|
|
|
Radford |
88 |
46 |
|
|
|
Fitzjames |
74 |
70 |
|
|
|
Freke |
69 |
56 |
|
|
|
Hardy |
67 |
65 |
|
|
|
Hussey |
123 |
79 |
|
|
|
Hoskins |
? 100 |
? 80 |
|
|
|
Larder |
80 |
40 |
|
|
|
Sydenham |
70 |
54 |
|
|
|
Goolde |
116 |
55 |
|
|
|
? Dorchester and
Puddletown |
? 80 |
? 75 |
|
|
|
|
1200 |
900 |
|
|
|
|
Sum total of the trained bands
besides the port towns |
1200 |
|
|
|
|
|
900 |
|
|
|
|
|
2100 |
|
|
The Port Towns 3 |
Lyme Regis |
30 |
20 |
|
|
|
Weymouth and |
143 |
28 |
|
|
|
Melcombe |
45 |
|
|
|
|
|
218 |
48dry |
|
|
|
The Isle of Portland
about |
40 |
258 |
|
|
|
|
258 |
306 |
|
|
|
|
2100 |
|
|
|
|
|
306 |
|
|
|
|
Sum total 2406 besides the scattered
untrained men of each division which they call the troop. |
|
|
|
The Isle of Purbeck which
claims an exemption has |
201 |
63dry |
|
|
|
2406 |
201 |
|
|
|
|
264 |
63 |
|
|
|
|
2670 |
264 |
|
|
|
|
Of all sorts, 3000 |
|
|
|
1 p. (131. 166.) |
|
Treaty with the Scots. |
|
[1641, ? May]. |
As we never did doubt of an Act of Oblivion
to be agreed upon at this time, it being in such cases usual and so
necessary that without it there can be no pacification but a
cessation only, which is not enough to remove the fears and
jealousies betwixt the King and his subjects, neither uses any
kingdom necessitated to take arms for just defence to cast them
away again until all bygone acts of hostility and resentment of
wrongs be buried in oblivion; and if there be not an Act of
Oblivion to the subjects that they may have the Parliament's
approbation for their security, [they] must crave the Parliament
to examine the reasons and occasions of their actions, which to
examine exactly may serve less for his Majesty's honour and may
prove an hindrance of peace; and as an Act of Oblivion was
presupposed from the beginning of this treaty, was offered and
accepted in the first article and transferred to our last demand
with express reservation of the trial of incendiaries, so do we
ever conceive that the act must be reciprocal for both sides and
universal for all persons whom it may conceive [sic: concern]
for all time to come. |
|
Those who are cited and shall be found by the Parliament to be
incendiaries are excepted from the benefit of the Act, not that we
conceive the Act shall contain any such exception, for the Act
must be absolute; nor will any exception be needful since the
process of the incendiaries will be discussed before the oblivion
can be enacted. But the exception is expressed only to prevent
mistaking, lest any of those who are cited for incendiaries should
misapply the same to themselves as intended for their benefit,
which were indeed a great mistake; for (1) that were to suppose
the 8th of our demands which is for settling of a peace, to be
contrary to the 4th which in name of the Parliament craves
incendiaries to be tried and punished: (2) that were to call all in
question again which after long debate is passed in an article long
since in the treaty and agreed upon by his Majesty and the
Parliament of England, whereof we have rendered an account to
those who entrusted us: (3) this misapplying would import that
the blame of the late troubles should rest upon the King or kingdom and [not] upon them who ought to bear the blame of that of
which they have been the authors: (4) it is contrary to our
instructions and to the minds of those who sent us that the
incendiaries whose trial and censure the Parliament has judged
necessary for their peace be passed from, they being cited to
undergo their trial both before and after his Majesty's remitting
[them] to the Parliament's judgment: (5) the King's Majesty,
holding all his subjects to be equally respected in matter of justice,
has granted the like course against the incendiaries in England
and Scotland, and what reason is it that the Parliament of Scotland should not be permitted to censure the incendiaries in that
kingdom as it is lawful for England to censure theirs? |
|
And as it cannot reasonably be supposed that the incendiaries
on the one part are to be included in the Act of Oblivion, so can
it not be extended to any who out of the case of their lawful
defence and of contributing their endeavours to the public (which
is common almost to the whole kingdom) shall be cited before the
Parliament for any crime whatsoever. |
|
We cannot therefore apprehend that this motion, so destructive
of the former article agreed upon, proceeds from his Majesty
or from the [Lords] Commissioners, but from these persons who
in the common peace foresee their own deserved trouble, and
those rather by adding again fuel to the fire which was kindled
by themselves to expose both King and kingdom to hazard than
that themselves should abide trial and condign punishment.—
Undated.
1 p. (131. 167.) |
|
Treaty with the Scots. |
|
1641, June 9. |
"Scotch Commissioners' paper to know the
Parliament's meaning concerning the Act of Oblivion and the
Proviso to be added, wherein the Incendiaries are named." |
|
We desire to know if it be the meaning of the Parliament as we
conceive it, that by their assenting unto an Act of Oblivion they
approve of the Article given in by us as the matter and ground of
the Act of Oblivion; and as they have expressed their exceptions
and provisions, if it be not meant that we may also make our own
exceptions and provisions as are subjoined to that Article given in
by us, or according as they are now expressed in the paper given
in herewith. |
|
The proviso referred to above, naming the Scotch Incendiaries.
—Ad. Blair, 9 June, 1641.
1 p. (131. 168.)
[Printed in Lords' Journals, IV, 281; and in Commons' Journals,
II, 180.] |
|
The Late Conspiracy. |
|
[Before June 19, 1641]. |
"Interrogatories propounded by the
Howse of Commons to Colonell Goring to answer unto concerning
the plott, with his answer to the same. |
|
(1) Who was the man that made any motion to you concerning
the bringing upp of the army? What were the particulars hee
propounded unto you concerning that businesse? By whose
directions did he say this to you? |
|
(2) Ffor what intent or purpose was the army to have marched
hither? |
|
(3) Had you any meeting or conference with any body else
upon this occasion? And with whom ? What were the particulars of that conference ? What followed upon it ? Declare
your full knowledge. |
|
(4) Have you heard that any other person besides these you
have already named should advise the putting of the army into a
posture for service ? |
|
(5) Did you discover this designe to any person and to whom ? |
|
The Answer of Colonell Goring to the Interrogatories propounded by the Howse of Commons. |
|
(1) To the first Interr: hee saith that in Lent last (as he remembers) about the middle of it, Sir John Suckling came to him on
Sunday morning as hee was in his bedd. And this Examinate
conceiving hee had come to him about some businesse of money
that was betweene them, and thereupon falling upon that discourse, Sir John told him hee was then come about another
businesse, which was to acquaint him that there was a purpose
of bringing the Army to London, and that my lord of Newcastle
was to bee Generall, and hee, this Examinate, Lieutenant Generall
if hee would accept of it. And further said hee would heare more
of this businesse at Court. To which this Examinate answered;
well, I will goe to the Court; which was all that passed betweene
them at that tyme to the best of this Examinats remembrance. |
|
(2) To the second he cannot depose. |
|
(3) To the third, hee saith that as hee was comeing in his coach
out of the Covent Garden, out of St. Martins Lane, hee mett
there with Mr Jermyne, who was likewise in a coach, and seeing
this Examinate sent his ffooteman to him desiring him to follow
him because he would speake with him, which this Examinate did.
And Mr Jermyne going a little further alighted and went into a
howse (to which howse as this Examinate was yesterday informed
Sir John Suckling did usually resort), and whither this Examinate
followed him, and comeing after him to the topp of the staires
Mr Jermyne said to him hee had somewhat to say to him concerning the army, but that was noe fitt place to speake of; and hee
desired him to meet him that evening at the Court on the Queens
side. And meeting Mr Jermyne in the Queenes drawing chamber
hee was told by him that the Queene would speake with him, and
thereupon Mr Jermyne brought this Examinate into the Queens
Bedchamber. But before this Examinate could enter into any
discourse with the Queene, the King came in and this Examinate
did withdraw and went away for that tyme, but returned againe
the same night and mett with Jermyne againe in the Queenes
side. Hee told him hee must necessarily meete with some officers
of the army to heare some propositions concerning the army. |
|
The next day being Munday this Examinate came againe into
the Queens drawing chamber where his Matie then was, who was
to tell him that his Matie was to speake with him and bidd him
repaire to the roome within the gallerie into which roome the
King soone after came. |
|
And his Matie asked him if hee was not engaged in any cavale
concerning the army, to which hee answered hee was not. |
|
To which his Matie replyed, I command you to joyne with Percie
and some others, whom you will fynd with him; and his Matie
likewise said, I have a mynd to sett my army into a good posture
and am advised to it by my lord of Bristoll; which was the effect
of what passed betweene the King and this Examinate at that
tyme. |
|
This Examinate afterwards meeting with Mr Jermyne, hee told
him that they were to meet that evening at nyne of the clock with
Mr Peircy and some others at Mr Peircies chamber. And accordingly Mr Jermyne and hee went thither together, and there found
Mr Peircy himselfe, Mr Wilmott, Mr Ashburnham, Mr Pollard,
Mr Nevile and Sir John Berkley. Mr Peircy then in the first
place tendred an oath to this Examinate and Mr Jermyne, the
rest saying they had taken that oath already. |
|
This oath was prepared in writing and was to this effect: |
|
That they should not directly nor indirectly disclose anything
of that which should bee then said unto them, nor thinke themselves absolved of the service appointed by this oath or any other
oath which should afterwards bee taken by them. Having taken
the oath, Mr Percie declared they were resolved not to admitt
of any man else into their councell, and Mr Jermyne and this
Examinate moved that Sir John Sucklin might bee received
amongst them; which being opposed by the rest after some
debate was layd aside, and some speech there was of Sir John
Suckling his being imployed in the army. But how it was agreed
upon this Examinate cannot remember. |
|
After this Mr Peircy made these propositions which he read
out of a paper which were to this effect: |
|
That the army should presently bee putt into a posture to serve
the King, and then they should send upp a declaration to the
Parliament of these particulars, vizt: |
|
(1) That nothing should bee done in Parliament contrary to
any former Act of Parliament which was explained. |
|
(2) That Bishopps should be maintained and their votes and
functions. |
|
(3) And the Kings revenues bee established. |
|
Ffrom these propositions none of Mr Peircies companie did
declare themselves to dissent. Then wee came into consideration
if the army should bee presently brought to London, which (as
this Examinate remembers) was first propounded by Mr Jermyne,
and also the making sure of the Tower. |
|
These things the Examinate did urge to shew the danger and
the vanity of the other propositions without undertaking this. |
|
In conclusion this Examinate did protest his having any thing
to doe in either designe, for proofe of which hee appeales to the
consciences of them that were present, and soe protested with them
then about this businesse. |
|
And this Examinate saith they had two meetings and cannot
distinguish what passed at the one and what at the other. But
the result of all was as hee hath formerly declared, ffurther then
which he cannot depose. |
|
(4) To the fourth, hee saith hee can say noe more then formerly
hee hath said. |
|
(5) To the 5th, he saith that the very day that Sir John Suckling
moved this unto him, hee gave some touch of it to my Lord
Dungarven. And the day after his second meeting at Mr Peircies
chamber, hee disclosed it to my lord of Newport and desired him
to bring him to some other lords such as might have beene likely
to prevent all mischeifes. |
|
And accordingly the next day, the lord of Newport brought
him to my lord of Bedford, my lord Say and my lord Mandevile,
to whom hee imparted the manner of the businesse but not the
particulars in regard of his oath, and desired them to make use of
it as they should see cause for the safety of the Commonwealth,
but not produce him, or name any person unlesse there were
necessitie for it. |
|
Hee further saith that hee did at the same tyme make a protestation unto the lords of his fidelitie to the Commonwealth, and of
his readiness to runne all hazards for it."—Undated.
122/3 pp. (253. 6.) |
|
The Late Conspiracy. |
|
1641, June 19. |
"The examination of divers persons of the late
conspiracie, June the 19th, 1641. |
|
Mr Ffynes reported from the Committee to the House of Commons the threefold designe of the late conspirators. |
|
The ffirst was to seize on the Tower. |
|
The second, to betray and deliver up Portchmouth to the
Ffrench. |
|
The third was against the Parliament, their designe beinge to
provoke the army against it. |
|
Captaine Billingesleys examination was read by Mr Hamden,
which sheweth that Sir John Sucklinge invited him to the imployment. |
|
And Nutts examination was read by the saide Mr Hamden,
which sheweth that the Earle of Straffords escape was practized. |
|
Then the examination of the Luietenant of the Tower was
read, which plainelie sheweth that the Ear[l]e of Strafford endeavoured to escape, promiseinge him two and twentie thousand
pounds and to marry his daughter to the Luietenants sonne, and
that hee would make her one of the greatest marriages in the
kingdome. |
|
Concerninge the Army Luitenant Colonell Ballards examination
was read by Sir Phillip Stapleton which sheweth that Captaine
Chedley brought downe manie propositions that Colonell Goringe
should be Luietenant generall of the army, and that the Prince
and Earle of Newcastle should meete them in Nottinghamshiere
with 1000 horse. All which propositions came from Mr Henrie
Jerman, and were dispersed by Serjeant-Major Willis and Captain
Chedley. Willis upon his examination saieth that the Ffrench
would assist them, and that the clergie would at their owne
charge send 1000 horse to ayde the army. And that the Earle of
Newcastle should be generall of the army. |
|
The examination of Colonell Goringe read by Sir John Clatworthy, in which he saieth that hee was tied up by an oath of
service, therefore durst not aunswere to all the interrogatories.
And then mentioninge the oath which was given by Mr Henrie
Percie in his chamber at Whitehall in the presence of Mr Henrie
Willmoth, Colonell Ashburnham and Mr Heugh Ballard and
others, who all of them saide they had taken the oath; and that
hee was the last of the companie that had taken the same. |
|
That Mr Jerman had a passe under the [blank] owne hand. |
|
Mestris Plamwell saieth that a Frenchman, carver to the
Queen, brought armes into her house and desired they might be
keept, for that the House of Commons had made an order that
noe papists should have armes in their custodie. And then
ffeetcht them againe about the tyme that the Earle of Straffords
escape was practized. |
|
Manie examinations were read to shewe the practize of the
Ffrench, and a cannon of Bourdeaulx, and that hee had sould and
betrayed this kingdome to the Ffrench. |
|
Then a letter of Mr Jermans was read, which sheweth they
expeected the Earle of Strafford shortlie to be with them. |
|
And then the examination was read which sheweth the desire
that Mr German had to gett Portchmouth into his hands. |
|
And two letters from Roberts, a priest, were read beinge writt
to the Bishop of Caleedon in Ffraunce in the recommendations of
two English priests. |
|
And then Mr Allenns and Mr Tirwhitts letters were read, which
did contradict one another".—Undated.
Endorsed: "The examinations of divers conspirators." 2¼ pp.
(253. 8.) |
|
Bond. |
|
1641, August 13. |
Copy bond given by Sir John Wolstenholme,
Sir John Harrison and William Harrison to James Maxwell for
the payment of £2080 at his house near Charing Cross. |
|
Notes on reverse: "A bond dated 29 August, 1640, wherein
Sir Paul Pindar, Sir Abraham Dawes and others were bound to
the Lord Dirlton in 100,0001 to secure him against severall bonds
wherein he was bound for them. This money was taken up for the
use of the King at that tyme to discharge his army in the North. |
|
There is another bond dated 19 August, 1641, wherein Sir John
Wolstenholme, Sir John Harrison and John Harrison his sonne
were bound to my Lo. Dirlton in 40001 for payment of 2801 at
6 monethes. |
|
Upon the first bond my Lord paid 40001 and this is now to be
paid out of the Kings Customes. |
|
As for the second bond, it was alwayse reputed to be the proper
debt of Sir John Wolstenholme and Harrison without any reference to the Kings debts, and therefore it was expected the same
should be paid with interest. But now they alleadge that the
sume was likewise taken up upon the same account for the King
as the former, but they doe not offer any thing to make it appeare. |
|
Query: whether the Lady Cranborne should sue that bond and
putt them to make it appeare that the same as well as the other
were borrowed for the Kings use. If soe, then what course she
shall take. |
|
Or whether best to accept of the principall money from the
ffermors who have undertaken to pay as one of the Kings debts
according their generall ingagement."
2 pp. (Box T/48.) |
|
Accounts. |
|
1641, August 19. |
Account of moneys received and disbursed
by Theophilus Hyde and Thomas Ladd during their journey to
Nottinghamshire, accompanied by Thomas Baduley and Richard
Pollard.—19 August, 1641.
Endorsed: "My account of money receaved and disbursed
in a jorney into Nott. shire aboute the 19th of August 1641." 3 pp.
(200. 117a.) |
|
Statement of Affairs. |
|
1641, August 19. |
"A noate of businesses to bee done by
Theophilus Hyde and Thomas Ladd for the right hoble Arthur
Lord Capell in the Countie of Nottingham anno dni 1641. |
|
Inprimis, that you speake with Mr Longe concerninge my twoe
causes that should have gone downe to triall att the nexte ensewinge Assizes, had not his father spoake to mee and promised that
there should bee an end of them without anie triall, and deliver
him his fathers letter. [Marginal note: I have spoken with Mr
Long concerninge theise causes, and hee hathe promised to come
upp to London the nexte terme and referre the same to his councell
and your Lordships.] |
|
That you viewe my woodes there; and if you finde that they
will sell well, then deale with some honest and able man for
such quantitie or quantities as you shall thinke fitt to bee sould.
As alsoe take a sp[ec]iall viewe where and in what place I may
stocke upp some fiftie or threescore acres of wood. And likewise
deale with some honest man for the timber. But before you doe
anie thinge consider well what the prizes will bee. [Marginal
note: Wee have viewed the woodes and have sould twoe thousand
cord of wood unto Mr Puesey for five shillings and sixpence a cord,
which in the whole amounts to 5501; and after the cord wood is
off, which will bee within 3 yeares, your Lordship may stocke upp
the said wood and sell off the timber every yeare a quantity. But
we cannot lumpe within anie man for the timber because the
wood is thicke and wee cannot tell the trees.] |
|
That you deale with some honest man for my coale dells there yf
you can lett them well either to some honest man that will paie a
ffine in hand and some rente for 21 yeares or a lesse terme. [Marginal note: I have spoken with Mr Pewsey concerninge a lumpe
of ground that lies by his ground, and hee is willinge to deale
with itt, but desires time to consider of itt untill Michaelmas
next.] |
|
That you take a sp[ec]iall viewe of my tenements there, and see
in what reparations they are in; and likewise that you take a
sp[ec]iall viewe of Mr Pinnes tenement for I am informed itt is in
greate decaie; and after your viewe taken, give notice to have
the same amended if neede require. [Marginal note: Wee have
viewed theise tenements and finde all in good repaire, onelie the
tenement in Mr Pinnes lease is out of repaire. But his tenants
have demaunded timber and doe promise to repaire the same the
nexte Springe.] |
|
That you take a sp[ec]iall viewe of the quantitie of the wood
grounds containing, as appeares by the booke, 411 acres 1 rood
25 perches, and see what the same nowe conteines, and where they
lie and whether I receive anie rents for them or anie part of them.
[Marginal note: There is but 337 acres 3 roods 2 perches nowe,
for there is a wood which was called the Comiyrty wood containing 73–2–3 was stocked upp and cutt downe about 18 yeares
since, and for 120 acres called Greate Willoe your Lordship
received a rente of 31 p ann or thereabouts which was lett by lease
with other ground to one Francis Cocke.] |
|
That you lett the tythes there to such person or persons as will
take the same untill the leases come out. [Marginal note: They
offer lesse for them after this mann then is nowe made of them,
therefore they stand as they did.] |
|
Enquire whether the acres there contain 21 foote to the pole.
[Marginal note: I have enquired after this, and there is nowe but
16tene foote and a halfe to the pole.]"—19 August, 1641. |
|
Amended. Endorsed: "A noate of Remembrances to bee
done in Nott shire about the 19th of August 1641." 1 p. (200.
117.) |
|
Callis Hagge and High Park. |
|
Three papers: |
|
(1) 1641, August 25. |
Articles of agreement between Arthur,
Lord Capell, and Timothy Pusey, of Selston. Lord Capell agrees
to sell to Pusey, within the grounds called Callis Hagge and High
Park, in the parish of Greasley, co. Nottingham, two thousand
cords of wood according to the usual measure of 8 foot in length,
4 foot in height and 4 foot in breadth to each cord. Pusey to be
allowed to convert the wood into charcoal and to convey the
same away within a period expiring on the 11th of November,
1644.—25 August, 1641.
Signed: Tym. Pusey. Witnessed by: Henry Denham, clerk;
Patricke Cocke, Pat. Cocke, jun.
Seal. Endorsed: "Mr Puseys Covenantes." 1 p. (200. 118.) |
|
(2) [? August, 1641.] Petition by Lord Capell to the King.
He is seised of woods called Callice hagge and Highe Parke in
Greisley, co. Nottyngham, containing 120 acres, which he desires
to convert into tillage. Since he cannot do this without the King's
permission, he requests to be exempted from the penal statutes
prohibiting the same.—Undated.
Petition. Endorsed: "My lo: Capells petition to his Matie for
the stockinge of Callis Hagge and Highe Parke att Greisley."
½ p. (200. 118b.) |
|
(3) Draft, corrected, of the above agreement.—25 August, Carlo.
17.
Endorsed: "Articles betweene Mr Pusley and my Lord Capell."
½ p. (200. 118c.) |
|
Newsletter. |
|
1641, September 22. |
Monday this week came letters from
Scotland of several dates. The letters of the 10th say that the
difference about the choice of the officers of state was in no way of
composing, yet all the Scotch nobility save sixteen were wholly
for his Majesty in that particular, which was that the Lords of
Secret Council should have the nominating of all such officers of
state that should die out of Parliament; and that they should
continue their places during life if so be they did well behave
themselves. Some of these laboured the rest of the nobility
to comply with his Majesty in this of the choice of the great
officers, insomuch as one of the 16 Lords told one of the chief of
them that they did not hang upon their belts, that their Lordships
might do well to deliver their opinions when they were asked and
not till then. This was boldly spoken by the Earl of Eglinton.
The letters of the 13th and 14th prosecute this business, saying
that some of the 16 Lords are fallen off, but the Earls of Eglinton,
Cassells, Glencairn and Loudon, son to the Earl of Ancrum,
together with Lord Burley, Lord Balcarres, Lord Forrester and
some 2 or 3 Lords more, which adhere stoutly to the Barons and
Burgesses, will by no means yield that his Majesty or any of his
Lords of Secret Council shall have the choice of the great officers
in the interval of Parliaments, but the Parliament only to make
choice of them, and in the mean time none to be deputed to supply
the office. The Barons and Burgesses delivered his Majesty three
propositions concerning the choice of officers, which his Majesty
deliberated upon two or three days, then returned his answer in
writ[ing], which gave no satisfaction. The reason why the Barons
and Burgesses so mainly press to have the choice of their officers
is, because they say their corrupt wicked officers have been the
only cause of all their evils, wherefore they say if they do not
remedy that for the time to come, all their cost and travail hitherto
has been to no purpose but to make themselves more miserable
than ever before. Another particular these few Lords with the
Barons and Burgesses do insist very hard upon is, that all the great
officers of state now in being shall resign their offices that this
present Parliament may make a new choice; which his Majesty
says he cannot consent to, it being so much against his honour.
But this answer does no whit satisfy the Parliament. The letters
of last Friday which Sir William Ballanden, the Prince Elector's
of Master of his Horse brought to town this 20th of September, say
that these differences are now in a fair way of accommodation:
and in a postscript of a letter of the last date it is said that the
Barons and Burgesses will have all their desires of his Majesty,
notwithstanding that some of their greatest Lords do fall from
them in some things. These last letters say that when this
business of the choice of their great officers is past, the next business
will be to fall upon the Earl of Montrose's trial; the opinion of
these letters is, that if the Earl of Montrose would submit to the
Parliament it would go much easier with him than it will do
in stiffly opposing the Parliament. His Majesty has sent to the
Queen that he intends to set out towards England upon the 27th
or 28th of this present at the furthest, which is not believed in
Scotland because they believe the King will stay the trial of the
Earl of Montrose, which will hardly end so soon. The Earl of
Traquair lies aboard one of the King's ships at the Holy Island,
but comes not ashore for fear he should be taken and carried into
Scotland. It is said the Queen seems to resolve to lie at Hampton
Court all this winter. The Standing Committee sat this Tuesday,
the 21st present, to give order for the demolishing of all the fortifications at Berwick and Carlisle, as also for the discharging of
those garrisons, there being money come in to discharge all there
within 10,0001, which will be soon gotten. |
|
The last week Alderman Warner of London in obedience to the
order of the House of Commons pulled down all the painted glass
in the windows of his parish church, which some value at 10001;
they were so "artificially" painted. It is said a painter offered
401 for the picture of Lazarus whom Christ raised from the dead,
it was so very well done. |
|
It seems the people of Newcastle have been somewhat bold to
despise the service book and to cast it under their feet as a book
full of popish errors and superstitions; because it is written from
thence that his Majesty taking notice of that disorder, he has sent
to that town to require them to conform to the orders of Parliament in that particular of the service book and ceremonies till
both the Houses have time to take the just exceptions against
both into consideration.—22 September, 1641.
2½ pp. (131. 169.) |
|
Newsletter. |
|
1641, September 30. |
Sunday last there came some rude
company into Paul's in time of divine service to observe whether
the communion table was removed from the wall according to the
order of the House of Commons; but they found the table stood
altarwise as it had stood divers years before. They designed to
have taken away the rails, but when they observed the Marshall
of the City with a crew of lusty tall fellows about it to guard it,
they let fall their design and did not offer to meddle with it. And
now the altar shall be removed and the rails taken away by order
from the Dean of Paul's who, so soon as he received the order
of the House of Commons, suddenly sent order that it should be
obeyed; only the steps shall not be levelled because they have
been so time out of mind. I hear that neither of the Universities
are forward to conform to this order because it is not strengthened
by the Lords. The Bishop of Lincoln is upon his journey to visit
his diocese [in] the triennial visitation. There is a book of his
visitation articles printed which are not to be sold. I only have
heard some particulars namely, that he inquires what innovations
have been set up in the church and what innovations have been
practised in divine service; he enjoins the strict practice of the
service book in every particular and of all such ceremonies as
have been settled by Act of Parliament till they shall be revoked
again by the same power that has erected them. There are some
articles of inquiry what bribes by way of gratuities and presents
have been given to those that have formerly visited in his diocese,
which has relation to Sir John Lambe, Dr Roane and Dr Farmory;
but these articles are general, but not so general but they point
naturally to the particulars that would be discovered. The
letters from Scotland of last week relate that his Majesty and the
Parliament there are all agreed. His Majesty has been graciously
pleased to condescend first that they shall nominate all the officers
of state, privy councillors and sessioners (which are the judges);
and those which die out of Parliament and must be supplied
presently, his Majesty is to nominate them by consent of the
major part of the privy councillors and sessioners, and these to be
allowed or disallowed by his Majesty and the next ensuing Parliament as they shall see cause. This following was his Majesty's
answer the 16th of this September: I think fit to renew the
commission of the Council with the advice of Parliament, and
therefore will show you the roll of their names which I doubt
not but you will approve; and likewise will nominate all the
officers of state that they may have your approbation. And if
you shall take any exception against any person in particular, I
am confident that you will do it with so much reason that you and
I shall agree. Likewise I mean to condescend upon a limited
number of councillors which I will not exceed in any time to come;
and I mind to take the same course with the sessioners as is abovesaid with the Council, and that councillors, officers of state and
sessioners may have their places in time coming ad vitam vel ad
culpam. It was somewhat long before his Majesty would condescend that these aforesaid officers should be approved of by the
Parliament, because it might be drawn into example to his
Majesty's prejudice elsewhere, but the Parliament satisfied his
Majesty in that particular, assuring him that they would never
intend anything to the least derogation of his just power, which
they say they are bound to maintain not only by their common
allegiance but also by their national oath and covenant; and
therefore they beseech his Majesty to consider that their demand
concerning the choice of those officers is grounded upon the
ancient laws and custom of the kingdom, and upon the just sense
they have of the necessity of his Majesty's absence from this his
native country, which if they could redeem they would esteem it
above any other privilege: wherefore they are forced to insist
upon this in supplement of that want. |
|
The letters that arrived here the 27th present tell us that his
Majesty has proposed to make the Earl of Morton Lord Chancellor
of Scotland, which is not approved of by the Parliament, and it is
said there has been a great contestation betwixt the Earl of Argyle
and Earl Morton in Parliament about it. The Earl of Argyle it is
said he will have no place neither will he consent the Earl of
Morton shall be their Chancellor. Lord Loudoun is nominated
for the Lord Treasurer's place, and the Lord of Derry to be chief
Clerk of the Register; it is supposed these two will not be
approved. It is also written that some of those councillors whom
his Majesty has propounded are not liked of. |
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Saturday last Mr Wilmot came to Mr Pym at his lodging at
Chelsea and brought with him Sir John Bartlett and Mr O'Neale,
these two being accused to have been in the plot with Mr Jermyn,
Sir John Suckling and others, and when they should have appeared
at the Parliament they went over sea. Says Mr Pym, Ye are
welcome into England, and since ye are come to me I must take
care to see ye be forthcoming at the sitting of the Parliament.
Wherefore he carries them to my Lord Wilmot, one of his Majesty's
privy councillors, desiring him to see them forthcoming at the
time appointed, October 20, which his Lordship does accordingly. |
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Concerning the Scots I hear further that they require that the
Mayor of Edinburgh for the time being shall always be of the
Privy Council, and six of the Boroughs which are lords and
gentlemen. Tuesday last week the standing Committee of both
Houses should have met about the Parliamentary business, but
they did not by reason the Lords would not admit the Committee
of the Commons to keep on their hats, which their Lordships
admitted the Tuesday before. |
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Some Lords from Holland tell us that those of Ghent sallying
out in a strong party had almost seized upon the young Prince of
Orange. They cut off a whole troop of the States' horse, but the
young Prince got clear. |
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Tuesday last Sir John Bartlett and Mr O'Neale petitioned the
Committee to take bail, which they said they had no order for,
but left them to the discretion of the Serjeant to whom they were
committed. His Majesty determines to set out from Scotland the
11th of October. The great stir in Scotland is now about the
Earl of Morton whom his Majesty has nominated Lord Chancellor,
but the Parliament will not agree to it; The Earl of Argyle, his
son-in-law, opposes it might and main, insomuch as there has
been very hot language in Parliament between those two Earls
and the King present. The Earl of Morton upbraids the Earl of
Argyle of former favours done him, which preserved him from
ruin, and therefore taxes his Lordship of great ingratitude. The
Earl of Argyle acknowledges all former favours done him, but
withal tells his Lordship he must not requite private favours done
to himself by exposing the kingdom to ruin in admitting unfit
men to the offices of the greatest trust in the kingdom. The Earl
of Morton pressed upon the Earl of Argyle so far as Argyle told
him openly in Parliament "He had a protection to defend him
from his creditors, and therefore he was not fit to be Lord Chancellor, and that he had paid debts for his Lordship these three last
years or it had gone so ill with him as the Parliament there should
not have been troubled with his Lordship at this time." The
people are well satisfied in my Lord of Argyle for being so stiff
in this business to keep out his father-in-law, notwithstanding he
did comply with his Majesty that the Secret Council should
nominate those officers of state that should die between Parliaments. The King observing these discords between the nobility
tells them in Parliament "He came thither to settle their religion
and to establish their laws, but if by these accidents he should be
prevented the fault was theirs." Which speech of his Majesty's
was not very well liked of.—30 September, 1641.
P.S. Sir Henry Martyn died this week.
4 pp. (131. 171.) |
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Philip Cecil to the Earl of Salisbury. |
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1641, October 5. |
"J'appercois tant par le silence de Mr
Kirkham que par l'approchement du froid que cest vostre volonte
que nous passions cest hyver a Saumur, a quoy me soubmettant
je feray tous mes efforts a employer bien mon temps aux estudes
et Mathematiques, ayant tousiours ce but devant mes yeux de vous
rendre contentement en toute obeissance."—Saumur, le 5 de
Octobre, 1641.
Holograph. 1 p. (Box T/49.) |
|
Newsletter. |
|
1641, October 11. |
Since my last letter Mr Murray arrived out
of Scotland with a packet to the Queen. These letters relate that
the King and Parliament are agreed, that Lord Loudon was made
Chancellor the second of this month, and the third he attended
his Majesty to church with the seal. At first the Parliament
refused to admit him to be Chancellor because they had before
consented he should be Lord Treasurer; but when his Majesty
told them he perceived a crossness in them to oppose whomsoever
he should name, they upon a second consideration condescended;
and so soon as this was settled they fell again upon a new Treasurer.
The King presses to make Lord Aymond, the late lieutenantgeneral of their army, but they absolutely reject him, giving
divers reasons for it; but they conceal their principal reason,
which may be because he came very late into the Covenant which
he would have avoided if he could possibly have done it with his
safety. The Treasurer's office is yet undisposed of. The 4th of
this month the Parliament offered to his Majesty to bring three
of their delinquents to trial to prove what they had charged them
with, namely the Earl of Montrose, Lord Napier and Sir John
Stirling now prisoners in Edinburgh Castle, offering to his Majesty
to dispose of these three as he shall please after they have proved
their delinquencies; but as for the Earl of Traquair, the Bishop
of Ross, Dr Belcanquall, Sir John Spotswood, Sir John Hay and
Sir John Steward, these incendiaries they desire to have wholly
left to Parliament, and it is believed his Majesty may leave them
to their justice; but most of them are out of Scotland in France.
These letters tell us that the King now resolves to return towards
England the 18th of this month, and to be here about the 24th
present. The 28th September, Mr William Murray of the Bedchamber invited my Lord Marquess Hamilton, Lord Carr, the
Earl of Roxburgh's son, Sir James Hamilton and others to dine
at his lodging near Holyrood House in Edinburgh. When Lord
Carr was pretty well heated he fell foul upon Marquess Hamilton,
telling him he was a traitor and a juggler both to the King and
kingdom. My Lord Marquess wisely passed it over, but the
company present handled the matter so well, my Lord Marquess's
wisdom so concurring, as the company though somewhat out of
order yet broke not up. Lord Carr having taken a cup or two of
wine more fell again upon my Lord Marquess in as foul language
as before, telling him if he had been cut off two years before all
those disorders in Scotland had not been, for he had plotted and
been the cause of all. Lord Carr was so overheated with wine
as my Lord Marquess made no noise of it, but reserved himself
to his private intentions; but the same night both King and
Parliament had notice of it, it being so public. In the morning
Lord Carr sends a challenge to the Lord Marquess by the Lord
Craford, but the Parliament has taken such order as both Lord
Carr and the Marquess were brought that morning into the Parliament. This business took up three days in debate before it was
ended. Lord Carr had a strong party to hold it in debate so long
time, but he was at last driven to make this acknowledgment
following: I Henry, Lord Carr, have already acknowledged mine
offence to his Majesty and asked his pardon, which I do likewise
to the honourable House of Parliament and for the scandalous
words concerning the Marquess Hamilton which were spoken
by me. I confess them to be rash and groundless and that I am
sorry for the same. Signed by the said Lord Carr. This business
has been so far debated as an Act of Parliament has been passed
for the further clearing of my Lord Marquess, which is as follows:
Whereas there have been certain scandalous words spoken of the
Marquess of Hamilton tending to the prejudice of his honour and
fidelity to his Majesty and to his country, which are now acknowledged by Henry, Lord Carr, speaker thereof, to have been rash
and groundless, for the speaking whereof he is heartily sorry;
and since his Majesty and the Estates of Parliament know them
to be so, therefore his Majesty and the Estates declare the Marquess
of Hamilton to be free thereof and esteems (sic) him to be a loyal
subject to his Majesty and a faithful patriot to his country: and
the said Estates remit the further censure of the Lord Carr to the
King's Majesty. Signed by the Lord President of the Parliament.
—11 October, 1641.
2½ pp. (131. 173.) |
|
Newsletter. |
|
1641, October 13. |
Tuesday the twelfth more letters came from
Scotland which say nothing of his Majesty's coming, all things
being at a stand in the Parliament of Scotland upon the admitting
of the Lord of Loudon to be Chancellor, which they did upon this
resolution to make choice of no more of their officers till their late
statute made presently after his Majesty's arrival be explained.
Which statute is, that his Majesty is to nominate the great officers
of the kingdom by the consent and approbation of the Parliament.
The Act should have gone thus, that the Parliament should have
presented 4 or 5 persons for every office, out of which his Majesty
should have made choice of one for the office; but some of the
Lords which intended the King's better service caused it to be
altered as I set it down first, and now his Majesty is nothing
pleased that the Parliament, especially the barons and burghs,
refuse to proceed further till this Act be fully explained; and to
this end last week a committee was appointed of 5 Lords, 5 barons
and 5 burghs to advise which way his Majesty may receive satisfaction in this particular and to preserve their liberties. His
Majesty desires they would avoid this rock of the explanation of
that statute, which they do not. There is also another rock they
are fallen upon, especially the barons and burghs, which is because
they take notice there is some exception taken against many of
the Lords in Parliament for voting in divers particulars to the
discontent of his Majesty; therefore they resolve for the time to
come to give all their votes in by billeting, which is in a written
paper without their names, by which means all men may give
their votes and yet be concealed. Because the Parliament do
stiffly refuse to admit my Lord Aymond to be Treasurer upon his
Majesty's nomination, and show no sufficient cause for their
refusal, therefore his Majesty will nominate no other to that place
but leaves that office to be managed by commission. The Lord
Loudon, Chancellor, Lord Cassells, Lord Balmerino and the underTreasurer Sir James Carmichael, these be the commissioners.
The Parliament declare they are the more tender in admitting a
new Treasurer but by their consent and approbation, because it
will be a leading cause for time to come. They do yet much insist
upon it to admit neither any statesman nor judge but by their
approbation in Parliament under this pretence, they must now
be as careful of their posterity, nay more, than for themselves.
There has been a motion in the Parliament to remove 30 miles
from the King all those Lords which have been summoned to the
Parliament, which yet are not admitted to sit in Parliament under
pretence that these Lords give his Majesty ill counsell. These
Lords are much displeased at this motion; it is written that the
resolution of the Parliament is to prosecute this motion to his
Majesty, which the next letters may relate the effect of.—13
October, 1641.
1½ pp. (131. 175.) |
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Warrant. |
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1641, October 30. |
Warrant to Patricke Cocke to deliver to
Timothy Pusey two thousand cords of wood within the grounds
called Callis Hagge and High Park, in the parish of Greasley, co.
Notts.; and to sell such quantity of timber within the same
grounds as he shall think fit. "Given under my hand and seale
this xxxth of October anno regis Caroli Angl. etc, decimo septimo
anno dni 1641."
Draft. Unsigned. Endorsed: "Partricke Cockes warrant to
assigne Mr Pusey 2000 cord of wood." ½ p. (200. 118d.) |
