Cecil Papers: August 1578 | British History Online

Pages 191-199

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 2, 1572-1582. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

Citation:

August 1578



	569. Sir Thomas Ragland to Lord Burghley.
1578, Aug. 4.	Praying that the cause depending between him, Wilgoose and Bradbridge, may be heard before Burghley on the first Thursday of the next setting in the Exchequer Chamber,—“to my relief, that here remaineth prisoner in great misery, wanting both money and credit of my keeper for my sustenance.”—At the Gate-house, 4 August 1578.
1578, Aug. 4.	1 p.
	570. The Examinations of Jasper Wray, Thomas Wray, and John Ryce for hunting in Enfield Park.
1578, Aug. 4.	Jasper Wray states that he and the others went to a gate called Hammonshook Gate, bordering upon the Chace, having a white greyhound with them; himself, a staff and a dagger; his brother, Thomas Wray, a crossbow; Humphrey Johnston, a long bow, and the rest staves. Going to the lodge the keeper's hounds barked at them, whereupon they withdrew, and passing a barn, one of the keeper's servants cried out, and thereupon Johnstone shot an arrow out of a long-bow.
	One of the keeper's servants, pursuing them out of the park, followed them to a place called Bush Hills, which they perceiving staid Johnston, bidding him to stand; and perceiving his drift was to draw near them, to the intent he might take some note or mark of them, which they sought to eschew, the said Thomas Wray lying behind them in a bush, betwixt the keeper's servant and them, shot at him with a forked arrow out of a cross-bow and hurt him.
	2½ pp.
	571. Export of Tallow.
1578, Aug. 5.	Warrant requiring Burghley to give order to allow Francesco Giraldi, the Portuguese ambassador, to transport from the port of London 20,000 weight of tallow.—St. Edmundsbury, 5 August 1578, 20 Eliz.
	Sign manual at head.
	Endorsed by Burghley :—“p^o Augusti 1578.”
	1 sheet.
	572. Examination of Robert Morton.
1578, Aug. 5.	(i.) Matters whereupon he ought to be examined :—
	1. How oft hath he been beyond the seas, where, and at whose charges? 2. When did he see Dr. Morton last, and was he not disguised, and bore the name of Robert North, and when did he see Robert North last? 3. Hath he not seen him (North) in company of any of his brethren, of Mathew or Thomas Thrope, or of one Saunders, or one Edward Browne, a porter in the Earl of Shrewsbury's house? 4. When did Sampson and Daniel Morton fly out of the realm, from what port, and where do they live? 5. How much land hath he sold, and to whom. 6. Where are the two pictures that he had at Bawtry; the one of his uncle Norton, the other of his uncle Morton? Whence had he these pictures, and in what garments were they set forth. 7. To whom did he report that his uncle Norton and Markenfield had travelled into England since the rebellion, disguised as mariners that had escaped shipwreck? 8. When did he hear from them? 9. When hath he been, within this twelvemonth, above 10 or 12 miles or more. 10. When was he at Mr. Salvin's? 11. When was he at the seaside this twelvemonth? 12. When did he send to Grimsby? 13. When did he send to Thomas Wentworth at or about Grimsby, and why?
	(ii.) The examination of Robert Morton in the Gate-House before the Bishop of London, the Lieutenant of the Tower, and the Recorder of London.
	Examinate was only once beyond the seas, at Antwerp, Louvaine, and Cologne; also in Italy, at Venice and Rome. He was away 5 years and was at Rome with his uncle, a priest, called Dr. Morton, almost 3 years. Whilst at Rome he heard Mass usually. He returned about 5 years ago. Knows not when his uncle was in England. Knows not Robert North nor ever heard his uncle called by that name. Saw Dr. Saunders at Rome and knew there Gouldwell, an Englishman. Thinks his brethren, Sampson and Daniel, are beyond the seas, and has not seen them since Michaelmas last. Says his uncle was at Rome at the time of the rebellion and before, and has not been in England since to his knowledge. Says he sold all his goods and lands for about £91, and then minded to go beyond seas, and his wife also, for she would not tarry behind him. He had, at the day of his marriage, by his wife £10, and £20 more in full payment of her portion; she was the daughter of Mr. Thurland of Gamston co. Notts Denies that he had any pictures of Norton or Morton. He never saw any, saving of old Norton, which was in Brussels then, the picture being in black with his rapier by his side. Never knew that his uncle or Markenfield were ever in England since the rebellion. Was at Durham at Candlemas last to make merry; but went to Mr. Salvin at Cuxstall, his kinsman, about a farm. Was at the seaside about 2 years ago, at Mr. Ratcliff's, where he remained almost a quarter of a year, waiting then upon his brother Plumpton. Why he minded to go beyond the seas was to go to his brother Plumpton about a farm. While he had gone to Italy he minded to have left his wife with Lady Hungerford. His brother Thurland had sent a letter to Lady Hungerford to receive her.
	Signed.
	3¼ pp.
	573. Certain Considerations to induce Don John to incline to Peace.
1578, Aug. 15.	First, Don John ought to weigh well that by the continuance of war he will place himself in danger of losing his Catholic Majesty's estate.
	That in default of peace before the end of this month the agreement made with the Duke of Anjou will remain in force.
	That the forces of the States are very large, and in fact three good armies, to support which the States have already granted large sums of money.
	That the said Don John will hazard his honour and reputation as well as of those who follow him, of which the memory will be everlasting.
	On the contrary, if he makes peace he will avoid all these dangers, and will make a very honourable retreat by the intercession of such great potentates as the Emperor, the King of France, and the Queen of England, and will be the cause of preservation of the Catholic and Roman faith.
	To which the ambassadors may add such other reasons they may think appropriate in such an important negotiation.—Antwerp, l5 August 1578.
	French. 1 p.
	574. Don John to the Emperor's Ambassador.
1578, Aug. 15.	I have seen by your letters of the 13th the desire you have to return to me, having found the Estates General inclined to come to some accord and treaty of peace, which is a very good resolution. Whereof I should have cause to have great satisfaction, if . . . . . . . . . not gone before, that which you say, that they have . . . . . concluded with the Duke of Alençon. Wherein . . . . . much forgotten themselves. Nevertheless I will . . . . . . . understand by your that which they have required you to . . . . . . . And for that purpose I will look for you in this place. Having given order to the Baron of Chevreaux to make the way safe for you.—From the Camp at Hakendeure, near Thirlemont, 15 August 1578.
	Contemporary translation, faded in parts.
	1 p.
	575. Gentlemen in Norfolk.
1578, Aug. 17.	The names of the gentlemen within the county of Norfolk, and the several hundreds wherein they do inhabit and dwell.—17 Aug. 1578.
	[A list containing 324 names.]
	11 pp.
	576. The North-west Passage.
1578, Aug. 19.	Receipt given by Michael Lok of London, mercer, to the Earl of Lincoln, Lord High Admiral of England, for the sum of £20, in full payment of £135, for his Honour's stock and venture in the third voyage outwards for the discovery of Cathay, &c. by “the North-westwards”; and of £20 for the buildings at Dartford.
	Signed :—“By me, Michael Lok, Treasurer of the Company North-west,” &c.
	Endorsed :—“Mr. Locke his generall acquittance for the payment of £135, in full payment of all such money as is to be answered by me for my adventure in Mr. Furbisher's [Frobisher's] voyages.”
	½ p.
	577. Recusants at Norwich.
1578, Aug. 22.	The order taken with such recusants as were commanded to appear before their Lordships, by her Majesty's commandment, the 22nd of August. The recusants named are :—Ruckwood. Robert Downes, Humfrey Bedingfield, Thomas Lovell, John Downes, Robert Lovell, Ferdinando Parrys, Robert de Graye, John Drurie, Sir Henry Bedingfield, Mr. Dereham (“a priest”), Charles Walgrave, William Gibbon, Frances Busterd, James Hubberd, Phelippe Awdley.
	Endorsed by Burghley :—Persons committed at Norwich, 22 Aug. 1578.
	1 p.
	Enclosure,
	The lodging places appointed for the gentlemen that be by the Lords of the Privy Council committed to their houses within the city of Norwich.
	1 p.
	578. Lord Cobham and Secretary Walsingham to the Queen.
1578, Aug. 24.	Regarding the Queen's directions of the 8th instant, to declare to the States her Majesty's discontentment at being so continually pressed for loans of money, thought it best to forbear to proceed with them in such sort at present, finding the French so ready to make their profit of their [the States] alienation; of whom her Majesty hath more cause to be jealous than of the Spaniards. Have arranged the delivery of the bonds and the jewels.—Antwerp, 24 September 1578.
1578, Aug. 24.	1¼ pp. [Murdin, pp. 316–3l7. In extenso.]
	579. The Earl of Sussex to the Queen.
1578, Aug. 28.	Giving the details of a conversation with Mons. de Quyssye, which consisted of two parts :—(1.) That Monsieur dealt with such sincerity in the matter of the marriage that it rested with the Queen to direct him therein as should please herself; (2.) That he would be directed by the Queen in his action in the Low Countries. Writer discusses at some length the commodities that might arise from the marriage, and deals with the incommodities, dangers, and difficulties that might ensue from the same under nine heads, which are discussed in detail. Points out the incommodities touching the alienating the Low Countries to the French. States that by joining Monsieur to Don John, and no sure peace concluded between the King of Spain and the States, either the whole suppression of the Low Countries by Spanish tyranny must ensue, and so her Majesty be subject to many perils, or else the Queen would have to make herself the head of the war, and so enter into that which “my simple head seeth no possibility for you to maintain, nor knoweth no way how to bring you out of it.”—Bermondsey, 28 August 1578.
1578, Aug. 28.	7½ pp. [Lodge, II., pp. 177–186 (ed. 1791). In extenso.]
	580. A Form of Government of the Church.
1578, August.	The strength of God's enemies being grown so universal, and their spreading so dangerous to the Estate, and licentious looseness of life—through corruption of ecclesiastical officers—so untamed, it is time that ecclesiastical government be put in due and sure execution, without affection and corruption, according to the wholesome laws provided and established in that behalf.
	And for that the Bishop is counted in law the pastor of his whole diocese—in consideration whereof that ancient father crieth out, “Væ mihi non essem de numero darnnatorum nisi essem de numero prelatorum”—and therefore bound to have a special knowledge of every particular man of his diocese as near as possibly he may, he must devise and practice the most certain and ready way to set before his eyes, as it were in one view, the true estate and platform of his diocese and every several part thereof.
	To which end, since it appeareth by the ancient records in the Bishop's office for these 300 years, that certain choice picked men were appointed and authorised in every several deanery, called in law “Decani rurales,” and in the Bishop's canons “Superintendents,” that is, some preacher resident in that deanery, orderly, grave, learned, discreet and zealous, it is necessary to review and revive that ancient commendable practice.
	Whereby the commissaries and officials, to the great ease of the country and avoiding excessive charges, may be enjoined to keep their circuits but once a year, or twice, at the most, whereto law restraineth them.
	In whose visitations, what selling of the people's sins, without any regard or consideration of duty at all, what unfiling of verdicts for money, what manifold corruption and bribery is used by abuses of Registers; all the whole country with detestation seeth it; and thereupon most men by the abuse do utterly condemn all ecclesiastical government.
	Whereas the “Dean rural” or “Superintendent,” if prophecying, may continue to the prophecy, if not, to a sermon every month may call the ministry and quest-men, and then and there inquire of all disorders, and compound or reform the lesser, certify to the Bishop the greater.
	Which Superintendents shall make faithful, careful, and diligent enquiry, not only of every minister in his deanery, but also of every man of account which may either be profitable or dangerous to the State in their several parishes, and exhibit their names according to every several deanery in a fair long parchment scroll to the Bishop or his Chancellor; to remain with them or either of them, giving advertisement from time to time of their amendment or waxing worse and worse; whereby the Bishop shall be able to cut off any mischief as it first springeth forth, and be a most notable instrument of advertising and preserving the State.
	Besides, by his authority resident, and, as it were, over watching them, being his neighbours round about, all smaller usual offences, as swearing, drunkenness, lewd lascivious talk, and such other enormities, which are, as it were, entrances into the more grievous and enormous sins, may be restrained and punished, which now are resting matters of small account.
	To the better countenance and assistance of which “Deans Rural,” such Justices of Peace as are zealous in religion and favourers of the Gospel and the State, are to be moved and required to help and fortify their lawful proceedings, to be present at their solemn assemblies or preachings, to their better encouragement and the good example of all the common sort.
	And whereas there hath been a solemn order—of long time commonly observed—that every Sunday a public sermon hath been used and frequented in the Green-yard at Norwich, it were very convenient that the Superintendents, having open warning of their days appointed at the Synods, would, as it were, in course be called to supply that place; not only to testify to all the world and to make manifest to the enemy of the truth, the uniformity, and consent in religion, but also to confer with the Bishop and his Chancellor touching the several scroll of every deanery, exhibited as before, to impart unto them the amendment of the former abuses certified, and to take both order and courage to proceed in the same or others accordingly.
	And whereas now the usual Synods are gathered together only as “à bridày” [sic], to meet and spend their money, the Synod money commonly not received then, but committed over to the Registers at their pleasures otherwise, these Superintendents, whom the law termeth Testes Synodales, assembling and meeting there and having countenance of the Bishop or Chancellor, sitting openly as their assistance, if any slothful or disordered minister or other person whatsoever, after his often private or public admonition, should not amend or conform himself, he might there be rebuked or suspended before all the clergy of the diocese and the whole congregation there assembled, to his speedy amendment and the example and terror of others. Where also the Bishop or his Chancellor, being advertised by conference with them of all disorders, might give present order for redress. And for the undoubted fear of maintaining schisms and factions in prophecying if they were established or preachings otherwise, these Superintendents, being comformable men, are to be appointed moderators of that exercise.
	And whereas law hath plainly forbidden that no process out of the Court should be awarded to be served by the adverse party, or any at his assignment; whereof we see by daily experience the inconveniences, for that the adversary, keeping the process by him, will await such time and business of the party that he cannot appear, and often times such slender returns are made as bear no credit; it were greatly to the furtherance of justice and indifferent dealing, all processes should be directed to the Superintendents within their several deaneries, by their officers to be executed and returned authentically according to law, whereby the subject shall have no cause of grief, and justice better may be executed.
	If it be objected that the usual Courts of the Archdeacons should hereby be abridged, nay, the lawful authority of the Archdeacons shall be renewed and established, and their unlawful usurping, to the great charge and trouble of the country, restrained, and law duly executed without corruption. Besides that, this office of Superintendents is presumed by Common Law to be jointly at the Bishop and Archdeacon's appointment, unless the custom and prerogative of the Bishop be otherwise, which is to be proved of continuance above three hundred years by ancient recording, without interruption, only to appertain to the Bishop of Norwich, whereby the Archdeacon's right is shut out in appointing him jointly with the Bishop, howsoever he be in law the common officer of them both.
	And whereas probates of wills and granting of administrations as matters mere civil are, therefore, committed to the Bishop's disposition and jurisdiction, for that the law presumeth the Bishop for his profession to be a man of that conscience, and for his wisdom a man of that policy and care, most tenderly to provide for the estate of widows and orphans, their parents and husbands so deceased, the corruption of the officers hath been such and the greediness of Registers so intolerable, that men of these countries presuming for a little money thereupon, have not feared, either to suppress the testator's true will, making him die intestate, or to alter and forge his will after his decease; for that the officers are greedily snatching before another, without due examination or consideration of the circumstances, either unawares, or, wittingly through corruption, prove these wills by a proctor, whereby the party deemeth himself to have taken no oath and, therefore, may do what he list as most free. For remedy whereof these Superintendents might do great service as any should die within their deanery, to send for the minister or some of the honest of the parish to examine of the truth of the will without alteration, or the occasion of his dying intestate. Which all might be very well done at their assembly at prophecies or preachings every month or fortnight, whereby also those which otherwise of devotion would not peradventure, frequent those exercises might, upon occasion of necessary business, do it. Then, the Superintendents, upon trial and knowledge, taking the party's oath, to send it to the office, there to be proved accordingly. This one service of Superintendents would stay infinite suits in the year.
	And whereas the strength and comfort of God's people consisteth in mutual love, peace, and amity, how many wrangling suits of defamation, tithes, and other causes, shall his wisdom and discretion cut off before they rise, even at home, for the perfect [knowledge] he may quickly or must already needs have of his neighbours' causes.
	If it be objected that archdeacons may prove wills (although by Common Law they cannot) yet let them set down what by prescription or composition they may truly challenge, and let every man have his own, or let order be set down what value the Commissary or official shall and may prove, and let them enjoy the same. But, in the mean season, let not that frivolous delay hinder the course of ecclesiastical discipline which all good men groan for, and, without the which speedily put, and wisely and strongly, in execution, the enemy will even swallow up the State.
	And whereas the lewdness of Apparitors coursing over the countries, following their masters' trade and example, some have been detected of 40 marks bribery in half a quarter of a year, in half a deanery; the Superintendent shall choose some honest, religious, quick person, to whom he shall upon his credit commit those things he shall be put in trust with, who, attending every Consistory day upon the Court, may certify and return all processes and advertise of all abuses needing reformation.
	And, if the making of ministers be according to the late canons ordered, as well for their competent sufficiency as public ordering, upon due and severe examination of half a dozen such incorrupt persons as the Bishop shall name, with a testimonial of their allowance subscribed and delivered to the Bishop under their hands. And further, for such as are to be, upon presentation made by the patrons, instituted to any benefice, one day in the week and one time appointed when and where they shall come to be examined, and there and then, in the presence of the Bishop or Chancellor with four, five, or six others—orderly appointed and requested to take pains therein—that as well the party's sufficiency thoroughly sifted and known and the consideration of the greatness of his charge, the quantity of his living, and the necessity of the time; the party likewise to pass their allowance subscribed under their hands, which, exhibited to the Bishop, then the Bishop to set to [it] his hand of allowance, and not otherwise to pass the Chancellor, to whom the institution by my Lord Bishop's grant appertaineth.
	I do not see but the minister thus sifted before his entrance into the ministry or taking any benefice, and by watchful oversight of Superintendents, urged to usual speaking at the exercises and restrained by admonition and other censures ecclesiastical from their loose loitering and greedy covetous life, the preaching of the Gospel and other usual exercises of religion so frequented, the Word of God would flourish, the enemy be daunted—who could not lurk in any corner—and her Majesty have an assured, safe, peaceable government; my Lord Bishop in part perform his great charge, and his officers enjoy the true comfort of performing their duty to the uttermost of their powers, and that, which is worth all the world, the number of the elect appear more and more by the means of preaching, the ordinary and effectual means of their vocation. But, this must be done without revocation, with courage, or never attempted; and it must be ready to be put in execution before it be known to the enemy.
	Endorsed :—“A form of government according to law delivered by the Chancellor to the Bishop and divers others, wherein may appear his desire of good proceedings. Aug. 1578.”
	3 pp.
	581. Genealogy of the Kings of Portugal.
1578 [August].	A genealogical table of the Kings of Portugal from John I. to Sebastian, drawn out by Burghley. The two last entries run :—(1.) Sebastian, posthumus natus, 30 Janu. 1554; ob. in prælio, 4 Aug. 1578, in Barbaria. (2.) Carolus Princeps : ob. ex violenta causa pre' conscio. Hic si vixisset fuisset, post Sebastianum, rex Portugall per decretum speciale oper Cathar[ine] vidue, uxoris Jo[hannis] 3.
	Endorsed by Burghley :—“1578. Geneal. Regum Portugall.”
	2 pp.